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DACHIELL ROWDON
44 BROOKWOOD ROAD
LONDON SW18 5 BY
rowdluce@aol.com
WAR IN ITALY is a literary account of what it was to be a Forward
Observation Officer in the Italian campaign of World War II.
Maurice took two degrees at Oxford, the first, before the war, in
Modern History (one year) and the other, afterwards, in Modern Greats
(philosophy, politics and economics). He went on to teach English
Literature at Bhagdad University before making Italy his home where he
became a specialist in Italian civilization.
About WAR IN ITALY, before his death in 2009, he wrote, 'I describe
battle in great detail and concentrate on the shock involved. This
shock is a day and night constant and has to be managed by youths in
their early twenties if they wish to survive or (it may be) die by a
chosen method. My story treats courage and cowardice as components of
each other, and their proper interplay as the key to performance.
Afterwards you see that this performance had nothing to do with you as
someone with a past and future. A citation for gallantry is a comment
on nothing. There is a strangeness in battle which soldiers never talk
about because it defies words, and these words take years to unfold'.


Nearahfolings


WAR
ITALY
The Hitler/Churchill honeymoon
MAURICE ROWDON 2009


WAR IN ITALY
Baptism
We were dropped off at the Salerno beaches south of
Naples by an American landing craft in the late
afternoon, as close to dusk as possible and in a calm sea
silence and a soft still warmth. We were reinforcements-
-urgently needed. It was September 1943 and I was twenty.
These beaches had been invaded by the Allied Fifth
Army some days before on September 8. This was the outfit
I belonged to and its commander-in-chief was Mark Clark,
a Texan.
We jumped down into the shallow wash, having been
warned back in Algeria not to ma ke any splashing noises
as we waded ashore in the deepening twilight of a hot
autumn day. The trees higher up, even the fig trees, cast
quickly deepening shadows and if we turned and looked
back to sea we could comfort our eyes on the destroyers
and landing craft at anchor-- -carefully watching over us
as we thought.
Yet the hush was perplexing.
jago
We reached those beaches on D+8-- -war dialect for
the 16th of September, namely eight days after the first
landing. I had one pip on my shoulder as a second


WAR IN ITALY
lieutenant and I had a photo of my girlfriend in my upper
left pocket, that is, close to my heart.
We hushed reinforcements went to our various
assembly points. The captain who welcomed me---with a nod
as if we already knew each other---was modest, pleasant.
Then after my second salute he turned away as if to say
we don't need polite exchanges here.
The gunners were grimy. That was another perplexing
thing---why were they here at all,. since artillery
belongs far behind the forward lines. And if this beach
was now far behind the lines, as I had already comforted
myself that it was, why were we hushed quiet by higher
officers, as if the enemy could hear us? I began to think
that this was a military exercise---after all, the army
could get up to the strangest antics, we all knew that.
These are the customary wishful thoughts of a
reinforcement. You had a pleasing picture of battle as a
repetition of those safe exercises you had sweated
through at training camp.
And then there was the fact that the Germans, So we
thought, would soon be pushed out of Italy. Being caught
in a narrow peninsula, hardly eighty miles in width, they
would soon find themselves in a trap and would be fleeing
as quickly as they had come.
We had already decided this in our stifling bivouacs
in the Algerian desert. Italy was just no use to Hitler,


WAR IN ITALY
especially with hundreds of miles of coast which our
allied ships could bombard at any time.
We were badly wrong. Yes, Italy was indeed a very
close terrain---sudden hills and miniature chasms and
rivers galore, providing a surprise every fifty yards.
You only had to turn a corner and you could be under
enemy observation (as I quickly found out). And this made
it easy for the Germans to defend, and the very devil to
attack. In other words, the Germans could prepare their
defences carefully, sometimes manning them with only a
handful of men for the simple reason that their positions
were designed for short-term defence. This you could
easily overrun, So you thought. But you found instead an
ambush, a toughly held position it was too costly to
attack.
In fact, if Hitler wanted to lay waste our armies at
little expense to himself this peninsula was his best
chance. He needed most of his armies to face the
Russians-- -and to see off any allied invasion in
Normandy, which he knew, as the whole world knew, was
being prepared.
But only small, sensible and mistaken fairytales
crowded into our minds to explain the hush that lay over
Salerno.
I saw corpses in the distance. They were close to
the last wash of the waves, exactly as they had fallen.


WAR IN ITALY
They were ours. I thought they were an unlucky exception.
Yet they had a strange way of remaining there- -somehow
they kept plucking me by the sleeve. And I looked again
and again.
As darkness gathered I walked uphill to where the
trees began. I came on a large hushed group of men
standing close together in the dusk. As I came nearer I
noticed that a Brigadier was at their centre, addressing
them. I could see the red tabs on his shoulders. He was
speaking very softly. We had to crane forward to hear his
words. I thought it remarkable that a brigadier should be
addressing Other Ranks man to man. That was a
lieutenant's or captain's job, a major's at most.
The Brigadier was saying in his careful murmur,
Jerry's right here on the other side of this lane behind
me (it lay between trees a -few feet back). He said,
you're going to stop him crossing this road. Whatever
happens, chaps, you're not going to move, understood? You
don't move. You stay where you are.
There were nods in the deep dusk.
I felt my girlfriend's photo in my pocket. She was
Viennese, the daughter of a woman who had led a communist
revolution in Hungary. I remembered that mother's soft
patient voice. She had steel-grey eyes but her softness
overrode their steely single-mindedness. She said fascism


WAR IN ITALY
was the last bastion of capitalism, and this war would
destroy them both.
I already had a nervous habit of feeling the photo
as if to assure myself that she was really my girlfriend,
which she wasn't. We had said a last good bye on a London
railway station. She was in love with somebody else, an
economics student. But I needed her now as my lucky
talisman. I didn't care about deceiving myself (and
others), it was easy.
I felt bolshie all of a sudden---in the lonely
manner of a reinforcement who doesn't yet have his unit.
I asked myself what am I doing in this bloody war anyway?
All we ever knew about it was that it was suddenly on. We
just found ourselves in it. A bolt from the blue, without
a by your leave or explanation.
The declaration of war hadn't sounded right even
when it was being announced on the radio by the prime
minister. Neville Chamberlain's voice wobbled as if the
matter hadn't been thought about at all. Which it hadn't,
seeing that war was declared to protect the independence
of Poland, which the French armies, not
say the
British ones, couldn't possibly reach. So the moment the
declaration of war was made (with Churchill's gleeful
assent) Polish independence was lost!
Grumbling to myself I remembered the recruiting
interview I'd had in a little college room in Oxford.


WAR IN ITALY
The man facing me was disarmingly deferential. Would I
fight in this war?
And when I said yes I was surprised at myself---it
didn't seem my own decision at all. But it was.
Unhesitatingly. I was going into this war because of the
Nazi concentration camps. This alone made the war
different from all pthers---it was justified (I didn't
know that all wars are justified to the hilt, once
they've been decided on) -
What that declaration of war did was to trap the
Jews inside Hitler's regime (it stretched as far as the
Ukraine) for six whole years. In that time the Jewish
civilisation in Europe was virtually removed.
Little did we know that Churchill would one day
(once it was all over) agree that this declaration of war
was 'tragically ill-judged'. At the time he was elated by
it. It would be a six-weeks war, he told the French
ambassador in an excited phone call.
We nodded in the dusk and each of us I strolled back
to where the fruit trees were, the last of the day's hot
sky lighting my way. I began looking for somewhere to put
my sleeping bag (being a gunner, not an infantryman, I
had no watch duties). I chose a soft leafy place right
under a plump fig tree, overlooking the fact that, this
far south, figs ripen early and fall from the branches
with a plop.


WAR IN ITALY
But when, breaking from the sky like a monstrous hot
breath, there came the sound of what seemed an engineless
plane crashing to earth, followed at once by a thunderous
metallic crash near by in the woods, I thought perhaps
this isn't a training camp after all, we aren't behind
the forward lines after all.
Another heavy one came over and another. And had I
been seasoned I might have thought that these were the
prelude of an attack.
Small mortar bombs began coming over in quick
succession. These were preceded by a loud thump when
expelled from the cannon (from just across the little
road). . The mortar bpmb comes down on you vertically, with
hardly a warning swish. It brings changes in the air--
from warm to stifling.
Then darkness came with the characteristic Italian
swiftness. The firing stopped. No attack came. At last we
could hear the silence that rightfully belonged to this
beach and the woods that watched over it. It was like an
exchange of whispers.
Italy was still in its pristine mediaeval state at
this time, her slopes and copses and streams in secret
close liaison with the sky, a liaison we were to live
with for over two years.
I felt drowsy. I slipped down inside my sleeping
bag, that little womb I was to carry unwashed to the top


WAR IN ITALY
of Italy and beyond. Night came and I blinked in the
dark.
By now even I knew that this was no rest area.
Oddly, it was the silence that convinced me. And as I
dozed a certain nervousness gathered in me, a foreboding
that stirred sleepy feathers of fear.
The possibility of being trodden on by Germans in
the night didn't occur to me, though it was in almost
every other mind on that beach. It was figs that gave me
trouble. They plopped down on me. In full autumn
maturity, they made thick little purple pools, one of
them on my brow. As for the poor spotless sleeping bag it
would be dyed for its lifetime. I picked myself up and
stumbled with my kit to another fig tree and there I fell
asleep, as if moving had done the trick. Even my belly-
feathers of fear went, my slumber an expanse of stillness
of the kind you wake from suddenly---and utterly fresh.
With first light my Division also woke up,
especially to the existence of us reinforcemements. We were
conducted by runners to our various command posts. These
were still close to the sea, in earshot of its leisured
wash, but on higher ground. A major told us in clipped
tired tones that we could easily, at any time, be pushed
back into that wash, We were hanging on by a tight strip
of iand, he said. It was all that was left to us.


WAR IN ITALY
So this was really war. The enemy was breathing and
watchfully close. My realisation brought about -and I
cannot explain why-r-a great turning point in my life. I
became responsible. Thus it is that boys in their early
twenties must always man the front lines. You discover
this sense of responsibility as a thing that has never
hitherto happened. You didn't know you had it until it
was fresh inside, a boy's responsibility such as he
hasn't used before, for the simple reason that it was no
use to anyone, least of all himself. But in battle it
suddenly springs to life and you are suddenly safe,
however unsafe your situation is.
I was allocated to a troop---four guns under the
command of Captain H., a Yorkshireman of thirty or more
who walked with his feet splayed out and his head forward
tor
as if greatly excited to be going anywhere, even the
latrine. He was beginning to bald and when he laughed you
could see his slightly buck teeth. He already had a
family, So was very grown-up for the rest of us. And as
it happened, he was the first and only mature man I met
in the army who had a boy's approach to everything.
Our command post, set behind four twenty-five-
pounder guns, quickly became a home. Captain H. and I
quickly discovered a common background tie---the Struggle
against Fascism-- --words that covered a vast left-wing
movement stretched right across Europe, with the Soviet


WAR IN ITALY
Union as its guide, philosopher and friend. I proudly
told Captain H. how I had walked up Whitehall with my
girlfriend and a hundred thousand others yelling 'Down
with Chamberlain' and Chamberlain Must Go'. Thus did we
unknowingly hoist up Churchill as our saviour. He was the
man to do the job.
Yes, it was we of the Struggle who put him there. We
hoisted him up on our sole shoulders. His own party would
have had grave doubts. Here was as right-wing and war-
minded man as you could find---and in a sudden love
affair with the Left!
So this was very much 'our' war.
Still sleepy, I wandered away from our command post
up the hill to where Texan infantrymen huddled in their
hastily dug slit trenches. They seemed surprised to see
me, watching me from below, as who wouldn't to witness a
youth strolling about in an observed area. I stood
talking to them, looking down at their heads level with
my boots. It didn't occur to me that I made a perfect
target, with all six feet of me. They said, You British
have war in your blood, it's like you're on holiday.
Charitably, they didn't tell me I was a bloody fool.
Yet I had already, quite unawares, learned something. The
evening before, I'd seen men throw themselves to the
ground when a big one came over. So now, when one fell
pretty close, I did the same, though it was still a kind


WAR IN ITALY
of drill for me, with a touch of tomfoolery. Then I stood
up again and the Texans went on talking affably. I was
glad to be thought a pre-packaged soldier.
I listened to their soft, low, strangely consoling
Southern voices.
I think probably none of them survived. I was to
meet them again just before the last unthinkable hell
that did for them. They carried a premonition of this in
their eyes. I noted this without real awareness of it.
On the way up this side of Italy the Texans were at
our immediate flank and I imagined to myself that they
were the men I'd see at Salerno, whereas they were very
many, in fact, an entire division, the 36th Infantry
Division.
Captain H. filled me in with a clear strategic
picture of what was happening. Our Division was in charge
of Salerno, the town. The enemy was still in control of
several roads leading down to the coast, i.e. to us. So
they were in a good position to cut us and the Texans
off---both from our supplies of ammunition and from food
(in that order of importance).
Salerno was ill-chosen as a landing place. You could
see why on the map. A big force could be throttled just
by the terrain, its flanks and retreat-exits squeezed
with ease. What we didn't know was that our commander-in-
chief Mark Clark wanted to pull out of Salerno and even--


WAR IN ITALY
-because of the huge casualty rate it would involve-
from the entire Italian campaign. Yet he proved to be one
of the chief instruments of the vast toll of dead,
wounded and shell-shocked at least on our side---the
Western side---of the peninsula.
The ugly fact was that the Germans held the dice all
the way up Italy. At this moment we had the 16th Panzer
Grenadier division facing us, their task being to keep us
from the road to Rome as long as possible.
The German commander-in-chief of Italian operations,
Field Marshal Kesselring, had already rushed three of his
divisions to our area, Hitler having told him (on August
22, a fortnight before the Salerno landing) to treat
Salerno as 'the centre of gravity' for the defence of
Italy.
Hitler had seen at once that such a terrain could be
defended economically and attacked only at great cost.
This was perfectly illustrated in the Salerno landing.
Our two divisions, plus the 7th Armoured Division and an
armoured brigade, were up against at most four German
battalions. And, being acutely intelligent like So many
unbalanced and depressive leaders, Hitler reckoned he
could prolong this agony all the way up. He took one
gamble---that we the enemy might be as intelligent as he.
But he needn't have worried.


WAR IN ITALY
As for Captain H. and I, two bright buttons of the
Struggle against Fascism, we didn't even cotton on to the
truth by slow degree. We shared the principal self-
disabling delusion of the entire polyglot army which
Churchill had got together with reckless zeal---New
Zealanders, Indians, Moroccans, Australians, Canadians,
Poles and Frenchmen and Americans and Russians (yes, even
Russians kept a presence in Italy).
So one man planned every movement made by our vast
concourse and he wasn't on our side. Even at this moment
Kesselring was ordering his army to make a teasingly slow
'disengagement' (as' he himself called it) from the
Salerno area to the difficult river Volturno, north of
Naples, where he was planning our first big casualty-
toll---and was as good as his word.
And Hitler was paying attention to his every move.
The more we entangled ourselves in the Kesselring traps
the more he was impressed by Kesselring as the right man
to be commander-in-chief of Italian operations.
Solely for this reason we on the Salerno beaches
hadn't woken up under the heel of a German boot. Our
version of events said that our naval gunfire and nearly
two thousand air sorties had done the trick. It had made
it possible for us to 'chase' a harried and frightened
German army to the Alps. It was what our newspapers were
saying. The Ministry of Information in London was agreed


WAR IN ITALY
on the grand illusion that was the basis of allied
strategy.
This word 'strategy' means trying to pre-empt the
enemy intention but we failed to pre-empt Hitler's sole
strategic intention of creating a series of death-traps
for us.
Then, all of a sudden, just seven days after we
reinforcements had landed, Salerno became a backwater.
Our forward lines 'broke through' to the road to Naples
on September 26th. But they broke through into emptiness.
The Germans had quit three days before---to be exact, in
the course of one night. What kind of 'chasing' was this?
Our beach was a holiday beach again and our battle
cruisers looked like pleasure boats. We felt happily
forgotten. The days were balmy, sweetly heavy with that
special haunting hot scent of wild thyme that marked the
Italian autumn.
We again heard birds (always silenced by battle). In
a characteristic Italian rhythm the colder sea air of
nightfall was, each evening, drawn to the still-warm
mountains inland. And at dawn the chill mountain air
rushed back to the sunlit and already warm sea- -an
inhale at nightfall, an exhale at dawn.
A bombardier rushed into our command post and
shouted, Bring your mugs, anything you can lay your hands


WAR IN ITALY
on. An infantryman had found a huge cement vat of red
wine and bored a hole in it. We drank and lazed drunkenly
and talked by the light of our oil lamps, we wrote
letters and I secretly touched my no-longer-girlfriend's
photo. I even showed it to Captain H., hoping that he saw
her as my future wife, which might magically, in the rosy
haze of wine, banish the impossibility of that.
We moved our guns north, troop by troop, each convoy
leaving separately. Captain H. led our artillery troop
into the hills and we found ourselves in a meadow high
above the sea, cupped round with elm and beech and
cypress, hushed in its own scented air. Through the trees
we could watch the tiny white-frothed waves far below.
They made a twinkling silver ripple in the vast blue of
the harbour, a blue I had never seen before, just as I'd
never seen a sky so deep and domed and infinite, yet So
close and so unassumingly true that I had to believe it
false. In fact, I turned to a peasant not much older than
I and asked him with dumb signs and grunts, Do you always
have it like this? and he nodded in the agreeable Italian
manner that denotes utter bafflement.
Up here, in their own silence, there were pebbly
streams, virgin cool in the shade, winding through young
woods. I bathed in one, stood naked in the middle. The
water twisted and bubbled and chuckled round the stones.
I strolled through the woods, read a book from my little


WAR IN ITALY
library, joked with the bombardiers, chewed grass outside
the command post, which was in a barn. I watched the
pigeons on the roof and the COWS waiting to be milked and
the peasant family coming and going. There was slush at
the barn entrance, and the hot close wet-hay smells and
occasional decisive stamp of a COW were all a good-luck
sign for me.
Of course such quiet betokens imminent attack and is
easily recognised by those whose ears are attuned. We had
wind of a coming barrage which 'we' were going to launch
on the enemy. As yet we knew nothing of its size. I
wasn't even sure what the word 'barrage' implied. Much
less was I aware that the size of a barrage is
commensurate with that of the battle timed to follow it.
All I knew was that we were on Stand By, and SO was the
rest of the division's artillery.
When dusk came, as I was wandering past the barn
entrance, Captain H. called to me sharply to stand by for
any emergency. I nodded, my hands in my pockets. Shells
and cartridge cases lay in tall piles behind each of our
four guns and the first shift of men was standing to.
It was almost dark when he gave the order Take Post
through the Tannoy loudspeaker system. The troopers ran
out to the guns. This was five minutes before the barrage
was due. I was a little bored, expecting nothing. A
runner came to the command post with a message to say


WAR IN ITALY
that the infantry were on their start line (those two
words were later enough to make me shiver with
foreboding, and they still do, somewhat). .
Captain H. looked at me from inside the command
post---Stand next ta the guns, he told me, be ready to
relay my orders if the Tannoy breaks down. I took a
megaphone with me and it seemed to amuse the gunners
(etiquette said that one only used the voice).
I heard a faint order Fire! from a field to our
flank, then it was taken up again and again until it came
from the loudspeakers behind me and the dark starlit
night moved and a swollen booming and crashing chasm took
the place of the sky, surging far ahead and spreading in
a wide fathomless sustained deafening roar along the
whole front and I started awake at last, mouth open,
stunned at the endless blue and yellow flashes across the
spaces with the earth rocking and leaping and rumbling
from the gun's detonations and the night itself shaking.
I stood in this illuminated arc that surely was the world
gone mad in a last thunder of the universe and I began to
feel an exultation I had never known before, I let myself
go in this last hour of the universe such that God must
take notice, yes, there must even at this eleventh hour
d I
be God to take notice.
The men were pushing the shells home with their
ramrods, tight-closing the steel doors of the breech,


WAR IN ITALY
standing back for the mighty spout to recoil and give
forth its demon flying death while the meadow all round
was lit by simultaneous flashes (taking kindly to the
light as meadows do) - I was no longer a spectator, I
itched to be at one of the guns pulling the hot lever
with my lanyard after the sergeant's order Fire!
But the silence afterwards, the way the leaves and
trickling of water returned to themselves and the acrid
cordite smell gave way to the hot scent of wild thyme,
and the way the trees stood placid and still again, was a
disappointment to me. What had it all amounted to if
everything became as it had been before, with the
silence, into which all sounds die, victorious? if
nothing remains recorded?
But this sudden quiet was only for us. Not yet had I
cringed from the horrifying precipitate swoop of a shell
to earth and heard the screams, the ones of the living
and the ones of the'dying. Not yet had I learned that a
barrage at the receiving end changes tears of exultation
to tearless ones of the deepest sorrow you have known.
I knew that I wouldn't be with the guns much longer,
that my real job was in the forward lines. I even knew
that my song would change: very shortly I would be
guiding these very shells to their destination; I would
be calling for the barrages by radio. I would be at the
spearhead of attacks. I would find myself in places where


WAR IN ITALY
my own fire had fallen perhaps only moments ago. And from
there I would direct further fire.
I would not onty be in the forward lines but must be
prepared to find myself beyond those lines, in enemy
ones.
That is, I was to be a Forward Observation Officer
or F.0.0. as we called him. The army textbooks called him
The Eyes of the Army.
And then these guns of mine and this command post
would become for me a haven I rarely tasted, since I
would be miles ahead of them. The roar of a firing
programme- -the shell slipped SO easily into the breech,
the hot lever pulled to make the gun leap forward and try
to fly beyond the blocks that braked its wheels---would
be no more to me than fireworks.
We were ordered to move yet again to a town ten
kilometres up from Salerno called Cava de) Tirreni. The
move was to be made in separate columns SO as to create
surprise. This was just what it didn't do. Light as their
shells were, our guns still made a hell of a racket
getting hitched up and set down again.
The Germans had just vacated Cava dej Tirreni and it
was obvious (though not for us) that they had quickly
taken up positions with a perfect view of the valley in


WAR IN ITALY
which our guns were now put down---within spitting
distance of our noses, so to speak.
We put our four guns down, under the cover of night,
in the bed of the valley, with steep vine terraces rising
ahead of us and on both flanks. Then, after putting out
sentries, we walked stealthily back into Cava de'
Tirreni, where we had taken over a big house. I shared a
tiny nursery room with another junior officer. We took it
in turns to sleep in a child's cot, relieving each other
every few hours for guard duty at the guns. To get to the
guns all we had to do was to take a winding path that
couldn't be observed. It all seemed So safe. Cava de'
Tirreni (meaning the quarry or mine of the Tyrrhenian
seas, on Italy's western coast) was tiny then. Its humped
houses appeared to be piled on each other and it smelled
the same as all Italian war-time towns- -sun-dried herbs
and old walls and wood smoke and sewage and chicory.
Also those vine terraces where we put the guns had
a great beauty. There were mossy statues and a fountain
and green garden benches where the women who tended the
vines would sit. We started digging ourselves in during
the night but by dawn, that first morning, we were only
down a few inches. We camouflaged the guns as best we
could.
Then we returned just before dawn. But the moment
the sun put its first blinding tip an inch above the


WAR IN ITALY
horizon there was a swift hoarse breathing in the sky and
mortar-bombs crashed among the leaves, their smoke
rolling flatly away, hugging the dew. Most of the first
stuff fell near the benches and statues. A splinter
caught an Italian girl. She screamed frantically. Somehow
her screaming seemed to inspire the enemy and the bombs
spread to the terraces where we were and we began
scrambling up and down them, flung ourselves to the wet
earth and as quickly jumped up again as they came down in
clusters and the pungent smoke got into our lungs. One of
the men shouted down at the girl Shut up! Shut up! in the
illusion that she was attracting the fire. He threw
himself down by me and murmured, She's not hurt as bad as
all that.
I lost two men in that sacred green hollow. One was
my own signaller, too badly hurt to scream. We got him
into a stone hut and put him face down. He had two deep
holes in his back, behind the lungs. I held him in my
arms. One of the troopers asked him if he'd like a smoke
and he managed to raise his head. The trooper put a
cigarette between his lips and was about to light it when
my signaller coughed blood into it So that it swelled up
and fell with a plop to the cement floor. Then his head
fell forward.
This was a man I felt closer to than anyone I had
met in the army, indeed in my whole life. He was older


WAR IN ITALY
than I, probably no more two or three years, but it made
him seem mature to me. He was to be my chief signaller
throughout the war. Both of us had known this. There was
a wonderful formality between us that strangely
reinforced the sense of a perfect, immediate
understanding between us that needed only a nod or a word
for a message of eyes that would have required whole
sentences in the case of someone else. He was to
accompany me on my F.0.0. missions, this was understood
between us. Just a glance conveyed all, no need for
'orders'. This in your signaller is precious as gold. And
to find your closest, most natural friend who understood
you as you understood him quite as if you had hitherto
spent all your life in his company.
And I was holding him in his dying. I must have
known that no man could survive such deep wounds in the
rear of the chest. Tears flooded to my eyes and I held
them back because you somehow get the command to do so,
from within. You get SO many inner commands in battle,
namely in a world you have never SO much as dreamed of
before.
This is the true baptism of fire, not the shock of
shells or the screams or the terrified eyes of friend or
enemy but the first death and if it is the death of
someone closer to you than almost any man has been in
your life then this is a baptism deep indeed.


WAR IN ITALY
It turned me into a soldier. I can't explain this.
It made me determined to do well. Doing well meant that I
would look after the four men detailed to me when I 'went
out'. I vowed, with my closest of friends in my arms, not
as a thought at all, but the VOW simply took place, as I
knew afterwards only---I silently and unawares vowed that
my four men would remain unharmed. And that was how it
happened. You can make VOWS in battle in such a way that
you have secured the future.
And things were suddenly quiet. My face still
puckered up against the tears, you are crying for all the
future ones too, the ones who are going to die, for you
will not cry again, yet they were talking to you but a
second before and now they lie with the ashen stare of
shock that denotes the last breath.
A peasant woman in black stood by the hut door and
moaned quietly to herself. The gunners trod about
respectfully, thinking, bitter. We cursed Jerry who had
done it because cussing gave us an outlet. The other
wounded man got it in the arm but it was a bad one just
the same and he was stretchered away to hospital, and I
think died later.
In the manner of soldiers we griped and belly-ached.
We asked how the hell could anybody have thought of
putting twenty-five-pounder guns into a bloody soup-bowl
like this, where we couldn't even fire the sodding


WAR IN ITALY
things. To fire out of that hole you would need a
vertical trajectory, your own shit would fall back on
you. You have to be a madman to put artillery into the
forward lines where Jerry can just look down on you, it
was typical of superior officers (meaning those who were
majors or more) etc. etc., in that routine grumble we
called 'ticking'.
Afterwards there were boring hours. A death isn't
forgotten. It becomes part of that strange assembly of
the men who have gone and the men who are living and
might at any minute go.
I enjoyed strolling in Cava de' Tirreni's narrow
lanes, with a silence all round you never get in peace.
One morning I looked up at a window and a man and woman
were beckoning to me to come upstairs. In sign language
they were telling me to push the downstairs door open
and, stranger from another land as I was, walk up. I
waved back and smiled and walked on because once up
there, for all I knew, I might disappear, then who would
look for me? All the harmless couple wanted was to barter
for cigarettes, bully beef, sugar. In exchange perhaps
for eggs. Discreetly they might have suggested a girl.
I hadn't yet learned that Italians were as straight
as a die, even when crooked.
I was impatient to get my first F.0.0. assignment
over and done with. It would have been useful to get some


WAR IN ITALY
gen (pronounced with a soft 'g'), our word for
information. But none came. It hadn't figured in my
training either. You could be trained for surprise but
not for the surprises when they came.
I knew the bare logistics of being an F.0.0.- --you
take three or four men with you, including one or two
signallers. Your radio equipment has to be with you at
all times. This includes batteries and, in very rare
cases of unusual proximity, a cable for direct wire-
contact with the rear. Mostly you have no chance of
recharging the batteries, So while you need to be in day
and night contact with your command post back at the guns
you have to be economical in radio use. Your firing
orders sometimes have to be relayed far beyond your own
command post in order to engage the guns of a whole
brigade or division, and the reply has to come back down
that hierarchy, So you need plenty of juice.
It was after the word Ready had been passed on to
you from all the assembled waiting guns that your final
order of Fire! could be given and then almost
instantaneously you' heard the baleful whirring of the
shells above your head.
These 'twenty-five-pounder' guns of ours were, for
artillery, the lightest you could find. They were General
Montgomery's favourite weapon, he being an unusually
humane commander. The shells fell in clusters and you had


WAR IN ITALY
to be very close to their forward blast to catch a
packet. What they did do most effectively was create
panic---the air becomes full of blinding cordite smoke
and the crashes are ceaseless and relentless. The craters
are the shallowest made by any form of artillery.
It was these shells that as an F.0.0. I could call
up at a moment's notice but I also had access to the
other heavier artillery available both in the division
and the Corps (namely, two divisions, if they happened to
be working together).
The only thing you know as a novice F.0.0. is that
you will have to observe the country carefully and
consult your Intelligence map as you move across it. But
that isn't much of a training. So your state of
trepidation as your first F.0.0. assignment draws near,
like mine now, came from utter bafflement as to what to
expect.
Obviously an F.0.0. must know something about the
enemy that faces him. After all, he must develop SO to
speak an intimacy with him. He must know what kind of
fighters these particular enemy regiments are, and in
what strength they are at the moment, whether they are
the 15th or 26th or 29th Panzer Grenadiers or a Hermann
Goring division or the 44th Austrian infantry (the most
amiable of opponents).


WAR IN ITALY
Such a man can be a treasure for the infantry since
he carries about with him an invisible armour shield. So
the tendency of infantry officers was therefore to treat
him with awe if he was good and amiably disregard him if
he wasn't.
Once in a new position the F.0.0. must help
consolidate it with so-called SOS targets, which may
involve a firing programme lasting the whole night. You
communicate this programme, with its timetable and
intervals by radio, to your command post, having already
given your exact map reference in code.
There was one thing I looked forward to---being my
own master. I would be trusted or spurned for my
decisions alone. I even felt a need to witness war at its
demented heart. And for this the role of F.0.0. seemed
exactly placed.
Before you get your first assignment the eyes of
senior officers are on you sizing you up. The respect of
your gunners (very few of whom saw the forward lines) is
much enhanced if you go up, and it grows the more you go
up. The unlucky ones among them are those who have to
accompany you. But more unlucky is that handful of men
who become your favourites, the kind of men who, try as
they might, cannot help being reliable. Never was there a
better argument for that devoutly observed military rule-
-never volunteer.


WAR IN ITALY
Likewise if the F.0.0. was good he was always in
demand. If he wasn't he stayed with the guns.
The French long ago had a more precise word for the
F.0.0. and that was le sentinel perdu. He is to all
intents and purposes a lonely (and frequently lost) spy.
Much of the Intelligence given to him about enemy
dispositions is likely to be wrong though his life
largely depends on it being right. But it is impossible
to have good Intelligence about forward lines because
they move so fast, especially in close terrains like
those in Italy. So it is the F.0.0. who keeps the map up
to the latest date. The danger for him is that being very
mobile, with at most four men, he can easily get lost,
and in enemy lines, which happened to me and mine more
than once.
We entered Naples on October 1 1943, namely three
weeks after the Salerno landing. And these weeks cost us
12000 casualties, 5000 of them American, nearly 7000
British. And we were here solely because Kesselring's new
defence line was now ready for us.
But at last we had an official fleshpot where we
could go for short leaves, even half a day. There was the
chance of a dance and Lilly Marlene being sung. The
copper wire laid by Fifth Army engineers for new
telephone systems at once disappeared. That hadn't
happened under the Germans because their penalty for


WAR IN ITALY
stealing copper wire had been death. There was a
favourite apocryphal story that the kids of Naples, in
this new lawless democracy, unscrewed the nuts and bolts
of an allied ship until one night it sank elegantly out
of sight.
I drove into Naples several times alone. I sat in a
tiny restaurant tucked into a side street with the sun
blazing through the entrance. I ordered chicken but was
aware after a few bites that it was cat. Why did I order
chicken after being told So often that it was always cat?
The place became empty and I started to talk to the
proprietress in my poor army Italian which always got the
accents hopelessly wrong---we called the Rapido river the
Rapeedo whereas it is accented on the first syllable as
in 'rapid'. We did the same with Taranto' and
'Brindisi', both of which carry their emphasis on the
first syllable. And no doubt if we had ever wanted to
talk about the Medici we would have made the same mistake
(most Anglo-Saxons still do). But it was our rule and no
Italian dared correct us.
The proprietress was a large young woman with black
curly hair and an easy sisterly manner. She asked me if I
was lonely and I smiled, refusing this offer to bed down
with her. I told myself that I didn't find her attractive
but in fact I was afraid of a dose of clap. Also we were


WAR IN ITALY
warned not to separate ourselves from our clothes, ever,
not in Naples at this present half-starved time.
She and I sat with our elbows on the table gazing
into the blinding light of the entrance and I found in
myself a resolve that I would one day make this country
my own (which I later did). I left her some cigarettes,
which were considered gold.
A few days later I sat with five other officers in a
barracks on the city's outskirts, the sea silver and
flashing far below, the light failing.
The Battery commander said, We shall have to decide
who is going up with this one. I held my breath, my heart
beat faster, I gazed at the wall and held the leg of the
table. The day had been one of those autumn days that
lazily replay the earlier sweltering season and raise the
Italian's voice and give him a special easy walk.
Not many days after that I sat once more in an
officers' conference, this time in a room with a parquet
floor and tall windows high above the deep still blue of
Naples harbour, lightly ruffled with white-flecked waves,
where our battle cruisers looked like clever intricate
toys. The windows gave on to a balcony from which a
grateful evening breeze wafted in, then spent itself
until the next one, in an hallucinating rhythm I had
never known a hint of in my former life.


WAR IN ITALY
No sounds came up to us, SO removed were we from
city and sea. The captain who had welcomed me at Salerno
with a gruff but solicitous nod, Captain Maugham, said he
thought I should go up in the next show, being the
freshest among us. The major smiled at me and said he
agreed it was time to break me in.
I smiled too but I was mortally afraid. Yet
excitement went with it, even increased it. I was to
stand out, perform, perhaps earn better smiles-- --more
earnest ones. It is wonderful what human association does
for us, being able to render sane and even orderly what
our trembling limbs know to be otherwise.


WAR IN ITALY
Farewell
Most of the 13th day of October 1943 I leaned against
a warm haystack facing south. There were flat fields all
round and a breeze intermittent like a series of broken
sighs that breathed a message to me I couldn't decipher--
-whether warning or solace. I was alone, reading a novel
about a youth of twenty-one (just right) who was deeply
in love, and how his love, after a long time of anguish,
was requited. And since it was thoughtfully written,
taking me back to a style of speech I would never hear
again (everything pre-war was now a remote never-never
land), the words melted in nostalgically with the scented
autumn day and the hush that the sound of bees and flies
only made deeper.
The silence brought a fear that awakened suddenly
and died again, as if these fields knew what lay ahead,
this very night. It made me look up from the pages and as
quickly sent me back to them. It merged with the words I
was reading---with the hero's horror that he might not be
loved by the girl. And this in turn helped that southern
hush to be valedictory.


WAR IN ITALY
Now and then and I gazed at Vesuvius in the far
distance sending its straight white volcanic smoke
unresisted into the blue. It curled very slightly at the
top with such a leisurely and domestic air. Like any
curling smoke you might see. There wasn't a gun to be
heard, not in the remotest distance. Yes, when an attack
has been prepared, and the enemy is waiting as you are
waiting, with death in mind, all the trees and grasses
join in.
We were to make a bridgehead over the river
Volturno, a name which suggests currents that turn in on
themselves-- --volto with its idea of turning round, turno
that of returning. And it was the river Field Marshal
Kesselring had chosen for us to break our heads on (his
words). But wait---this river was also useful for him in
SO far as it gave him time to prepare an even stronger
line further north. But wait again---this stronger line
would give him time to prepare a truthfully impregnable
line which whole divisions, whole corps could decimate
themselves to the point of self-disbandment (and did),
thus breaking both head and heart.
Thankfully we knew nothing of this but even if we
had we would have rejected it. As a soldier you have to
believe that your enemy is confused and surprised by your
every approach.


WAR IN ITALY
I was to assemble with my four men at infantry
battalion headquarters in a pre-arranged area south of
the river Volturno. I was to await dusk there and the
time appointed for the opening barrage from our side. The
moment this barrage ceased I was to go forward and make
contact with our attacking infantry company at its start
line.
Those were my orders and I didn't have the
experience to see that they didn't make sense. Clearly my
permission to move was too late, being the moment when
the company assigned to me would be committed to battle.
The order thus put me far behind the start line---into
the tail, not the spearhead. Which meant that I would
spend the crucial first stage searching for my infantry
commander. Without him I had no job or place to go.
Without me he had no retaliatory power against the flak.
Not only that, but our army too was inexperienced.
This was the first set-battle of the Italian campaign.
The Salerno operation, having been a mostly defensive
action (landing stores and equipment under fire), offered
no lessons for what was coming up.
Jerry was in some strength now---three divisions
faced us and were particularly lively on our sector
because the main Naples-Rome highway passed just ahead.
I was there with my men at the appointed time. I
remember young woodland---good cover. We stood together,


WAR IN ITALY
my men and me, five of us, waiting in the dying light.
The barrage from our guns started up to the second, a
huge mounting thunder from behind us, followed at once by
the screeching of shells arching overhead into enemy
lines. The earth trembled because we weren't a great
distance from the river and we fell into the usual pre-
battle elated illusion that such a shattering orchestra
must leave not a yard of enemy earth alive. The fact is
that, especially in close terrain, the enemy pops out of
his holes at the first lull and starts lobbing the stuff
back. And that would be happening within moments.
It was ten o'clock and dark before my signallers and
I got the order to move and we advanced in single file,
keeping to one side 'of a broad crowded causeway between
the trees. Then as soon as enemy shells began falling
close we started running, trying to get to the ditches
which we knew to be just short of the river. Stupidly I
had eaten a late meal and started vomiting as I ran,
turning my head to one side So that my tunic and map-case
wouldn't get soiled. As we ran the enemy launched its
fearsome Nebelwerfer or Organ Grinder mortar bombs right
where we were so that hot breaths of suffocating cordite
rushed into our faces. Clattering enemy machine-gun fire
opened up from the river, presumably on our men trying to
cross.


WAR IN ITALY
A mine-detector outfit went ahead of us as always,
laying white tape down as a safe guide for us.
Infantrymen were losing contact with each other, calling
out to each other between the deafening bursts, afraid of
losing touch. Everyone was dazed, some men were just
wandering here and there, others were on the ground and
calling for the stretchers or just screaming, sometimes a
man would dash for the ditch at the side of the causeway
as if he had decided to do no more running.
Something was going very badly wrong. There were
more men running towards us than there were with us, in
fact growing masses of infantrymen all running in the
wrong direction, away from the line. We were bumping into
them and for the life of me I couldn't understand how men
running away from the line could be obeying orders of any
kind. They were calling out to us, You can't go up there!
I dashed over to one of them and grabbed him by the arm--
-Where'are you going? He shouted, You can't get through!
Thinking I might have mistaken the route I shouted back,
Where's the river then? and he said as he ran on, Back
there, there's all hell up there, you can't get through!
Stretcher bearers were rushing past us---it seemed a
whole army was on its way out of the line. My four men
were waiting for my order and I shouted into the
shattering noise Come on! and we started running forward
again.


WAR IN ITALY
We were quickly in the thick of it. The
Nebelwerfers were concentrated here. A Nebelwerfer puts
six bombs at a time into the air and their trajectory
makes a terrifying howling noise like a vast barrel organ
in the sky which turns into a dense hungry roar close to
your ear as the bombs crash to earth from their almost
vertical trajectory.
There was such a thick wall of detonation and tracer
bullets and darkness and men bumping into each other that
all you could do, once you were close to the river, was
run from one deep 88mm. crater to the next until you
found an empty place to throw yourself into, elbow to
elbow as the screams of the wounded came over, that
terrible Help! Help! Help!, that imploring scream to the
enemy guns to Please, please stop! And then the shouts of
the stretcher bearers, Give us a hand you blokes, for
christsake help! but the only thing that happened in our
brains was let it not be me, let it not be me, and when
at last we managed to scramble down into a crowded crater
and throw ourselves down I found myself scratching
frantically with both hands into the freshly scorched
soil, trying to make a hole for myself of all grotesque
idiotic things but knowing how crazy it was didn't stop
me doing it, I was clawing the hard black earth with
nails all too frail and I knew I was doing it and how
crazy it was but the hands kept doing it and I swear my


WAR IN ITALY
men on either side of me were doing it too, the very same
silliness. I saw my actions So clearly, stood away from
myself because these were my last moments on earth---that
was how it was for me and every other man in that crater
and the screeches of Wailing Winnie over our heads and
that ghastly angry hot descent of the bombs shattered our
last hopes and, as always for the soldier, made us doubt
afterwards that we did get through and weren't in a new
deadly life that contained a trick that made it seem life
when it wasn't.
And simultaneously we were listening to the
stretcher bearers and I was thinking urgently should I
take my men and help with the stretchers but that would
mean running back, wouldn't it, running away? And because
these were our last moments on earth our thoughts were
sharp and clear and intensely observant, I was aware of
my men on both sides of me and how they were living these
last moments too and they like me were silent and like me
they had their eyes, closed and I was sure they too were
scratching crazily into the earth because you never do
anything individual, not at the extremity of extremities.
How long we were in that crater, how and when we got
out, even whether the mortar bombs and shells were still
falling when we jumped up and ran, even whether we ran, I
cannot recall and never did recall, not even right after.


WAR IN ITALY
All I know of that night was being in the crater in
our last moments and then, as in a dream that jumps whole
hours in a flash, I am standing in the first dawn light
at the river's edge, a few inches from a handsome German
officer with thick black hair who is saying in English
with easy confidence, In Rome for Christmas? You won't be
there for months, if ever.
My Company commander was standing just to the left
of me and all of us listened to the German diffidently,
disappointed that our success in breaching the river
should excite this clear-spoken well-meant smiling
ridicule, and we believed him not because we were
gullible but because in such extremities one knows the
truth, and this was'the truth. It was indeed many months
of mostly useless castly struggle through mud and cold,
in strategic positions that spelled disaster, before we
reached Rome depleted and worn out.
Perhaps it is this preliminary dying that you go
through in your last moments which turn out not to have
been your last---perhaps it is this that induces amnesia.
Perhaps amnesia is a thankful device to expunge how you
got out of that crater SO that you may carry on this life
not half-crazed or wandering in your mind for the rest of
your days. And suddenly the German officer is there, a
friend, talking without emphasis in this bountiful dawn
silence, and his very voice is a balm.


WAR IN ITALY
A few feet before us was the swollen fast river, the
opposite bank deserted except for four English soldiers
lying side by side, faces down as if gazing into the
earth, in perfect order and neatness, their tin hats
undisturbed, their weapons under them, in an identical
shared death. They must have jumped to the bank close
together and in that jump gone down in one burst of
machine-gun fire. For several days they stayed there,
clean and obedient.
Apparently our division had been given not only the
most intensely defended but the most exposed part of the
river to tackle. On our left flank was our sister
division, and on their left were the Americans,
presumably the Texans we had known at Salerno. Our sister
division, the 56th, hadn't got across.
I couldn't work out, in that dawn, why my Company
commander was still on the southern shore when the
opposite bank was already in our hands. I expected a
bridgehead to be something you could see right away. But
Bailey bridges have to be loaded and transported.
Engineers to build them have to be available. And
building a bridge in daylight, especially in the first
vulnerable hours after a battle, would be suicide.
For the moment there was only the tired dawn silence
that follows a rough night. Both sides are taking time


WAR IN ITALY
off to lick wounds. A cup of char reassured us, the steam
blew up into our faces with each breath.
We were lucky because the Nebelwerfer or Wailing
Winnie, fearful though it sounded, was also inaccurate.
Its bombs dispersed over a large area and they took more
seconds to land than other mortar bombs. Their terrifying
chorus in the sky was thus achieved at the expense of
accuracy. Their aim was to create extreme panic. This
they achieved in the case of an entire battalion of the
US 34th division. They scattered and it was a whole day
before they reassembled. No cowardice was involved. They
just thought it was something other than war and was
coming out of the sky---the frightful Secret Weapon
constantly promised by Hitler. By far the greater number
of casualties in battle come from shock and are called
non-battle casualties because wounds do not figure, so
there was reasoning behind Wailing Winnie.
Of course mortar bombs that fall inaccurately still
fall, and they fell among us, just short of the river.
Machine-gun fire, not these bombs, was the nemesis of the
men trying at that moment to cross the river.
We all believed, as men in the first world war did,
that the shell that got you had your army number on it.
The idea reassured and terrified in equal measure.


WAR IN ITALY
That bridgehead was at the cost of a thousand
casualties in one night.
As for our sister division it was pinned down by
shellfire. Its Ox and Bucks battalion disguised
themselves as peasants but the moment they broke cover to
approach the river they had 80 casualties in a few
seconds. They tried to cross in boats but most of these
were at once destroyed, this time with 40 casualties.
Really the American Fifth army was in no position to
cross that river. Its divisions only had boats enough for
one battalion, namely two companies of about sixty men
each. And that was hopelessly inadequate for a whole
front.
I never learned how the men I saw running away from
the line that night re-joined their units, or if they
did. To my mind they were deserters and would have been
rounded up as such. You just can't rejoin your unit a
whole night late. There were no officers among them as
far as I could see. Which made desertion even more
likely.
In fact, though we didn't know it then, the Fifth
army had a desertion problem. The 'Naples stroll', as it
was called, started about this time- --some Americans just
walked out of the line and went to town. Mark Clark
sensibly accommodated himself to this by organising rest
areas close to the line, to which the tired and shocked


WAR IN ITALY
could be sent. You could hardly throw men into prison for
suffering the results of the pressure you were putting on
them, such as tackling water without something to float
The British were less wise. We now know, as a result
of the publication (in 1994) of the courts-martial of
that time, that 197 soldiers mutinied 'at Salerno'. 179
of these were put in prison for a year or So while the
ringleaders were given five years.
They mutinied because their officers had told them
they were going from North Africa not to Salerno but
Sicily, where there'was no fighting. The men were already
battle exhausted and considered this a calculated lie
which exposed their officers as unfit to lead. I never
heard of any mutinies on the Salerno beach. It would have
been difficult to mutiny and get arrested within earshot
of the Germans. So I am inclined to believe that those
men I saw running in the wrong direction were those who
were court-martialled.
The fact that we heard no more of those men meant
nothing. No battle events were ever, in my memory,
discussed afterwards. Also we were used to
disappearances. Soldiers, in groups or singly, were
posted off constantly. There was never a better
application of the divide-and-rule axiom. Unwanted
elements could be dissolved into thin air. And this, by


WAR IN ITALY
the law of war, is how it has to be. The comfort of being
in an army is its delegation of moral choice to staff
officers remote from scrutiny, which helps one sleep at
night, it being the case that what the eye doesn't see
the heart doesn't grieve after.


WAR IN ITALY
LAUGHTER
The weather changed and I was back with the guns. We
found ourselves camped out behind thick hedges in a mist
of warm rain under a reluctant low lazy sky. The sunshine
was so dazzling it made thick rain clouds a white fluffy
sheet, and our gun site, within its green walls, began
to feel immune to war, especially as sounds were muffled
too.
You never heard SO much laughter. Laughing was the
most of what we did, it being one of the many unknown
features of battle that it stirs laughter pure and
spontaneous. It isn't in spite of the dying, nor is it
the beckoning death, nor is it a defence against the
screams. Laughter is an accessory to both, just as in the
funeral wake the dead are present even as you drink and
sing, they being the silent provocateurs of this
unexpected joy. We were children again, Captain H. no
less than the rest of us.
Army commanders were astonished at So much laughter
in the forward lines and I think they put it down to
grit, which it had nothing to do with. Army commanders
are remote from their armies because they have to deal
with the big scenario and turn it into individual actions


WAR IN ITALY
on the ground, and they don't laugh about the dead. It
makes them cautious and strangely it makes them reckless,
and there was in ouf particular army commander something
of the latter, and that didn't promote laughter.
We were awaiting orders, meaning we could pass the
day as we chose. The guns were snugly camouflaged and out
of action. The distant boom of big artillery was muffled,
spread out comfortably, conferring death on others---and
on us a sense of reprieve.
For me 'the guns' were already another way of saying
safe haven. They were pinpointed sometimes by enemy
artillery but on the whole shells fell wide of us, though
not always so wide that we could forget them.
Our all-day and sometimes all-night firing
programmes were no more disturbing to me than the so-
called dags with which we recharged our radio batteries.
Their engines were going all night and made a deafening
noise, and some of us (I was one) liked to put our beds
close to a dag in order, of all things, to sleep soundly.
That way, too, you wouldn't hear the rush of the shell
that had your number on it.
Captain H. and' I got hold of a bottle of gin and
began drinking close to my bivouac one late afternoon. I
passed out and woke up twenty-four hours later with my
bivouac collapsed over me and my legs outside. I thought
the dusk was the previous dawn. I only woke because I was


WAR IN ITALY
starting to suffocate. Captain H. must have tripped over
my bivouac pegs as he staggered away, unless he pulled
them out for fun.
We had a laugh afterwards and resolved never to touch gin
again. But we didn't ask ourselves why we had drunk to
unconsciousness. Sometimes we talked about Churchill--
how we of the Struggle against Fascism had put him where
he was---hoisted on our sole shoulders (his own party
would never have put him there) he was at our beck and
call, leased from the reactionaries' solely for the
duration of the war. The thought that Churchill was
acting entirely on his own never once occurred to us.
We sat and drank numberless sobering mugs of char
and I had a letter from home saying 'Well son we had our
windows blown out today'. I never wrote home any but the
vaguest footnotes to my present life since I didn't wish
to suggest heroics to people under nightly bomba rdment
from the air, without choice of fight or flight, no
medals posthumous or otherwise, no extra rations or rest
periods or worst of all any personal encounter with the
enemy, who remained at a great inaccessible height and
were hated because their deaths could not be seen. I
heard from my parents that Len, my middle brother's
closest friend, had fallen from the sky over Germany,
with no time or perhaps strength to activate his
parachute.


WAR IN ITALY
We got wind of another show coming up---a wopper
this time. We were again to punch a hole in the enemy
defences but this time our armoured division would 'pass
through' it (an expression that took on, in the course of
the Italian campaign, a certain tragic drollness).
Having secured the northern banks of the river
Volturno we were now to face Field Marshal Kesselring's
Gustav or Winter line, which he was even now preparing
for us. To protect his busy engineers he began building a
makeshift line (the Bernhardt) which stretched from
Minturno on the Mediterranean coast across a range of
peaks called the Aurunci, SO we would first have to hop
this lesser hurdle.
It was these peaks we were now invited to tackle.
Anyone could see that we were neither trained nor
equipped for mountain warfare but Kesselring had devised
the trap and it seemed our destiny to adapt ourselves to
his design, in other words walk smack into it.
The Aurunci went east towards the centre of the
Italian peninsula and stopped abruptly and briefly at the
narrow defile in which was contained the road to Rome.
This was called in dull military phrasing Highway 6 and
it was accompanied by the enchanting Liri river, which
gave its name to the defile.


WAR IN ITALY
Thus the road to Rome could be overseen from
formidable heights---which also presented a deadly
insurmountable natural barrier to any commanders bent on
frontal assault, as ours were.
This was not all. On the other (eastern) side of the
defile there was another range of peaks almost as
formidable. And even this wasn't the worst news. Within
touching distance of the defile, So to speak, there lay a
smaller but steep hill and on this sprawled, in the
sweetest manner, a slumbering medieval town called
Cassino which thus looked benignly down not only on the
mouth of the defile with its precious road to Rome but on
the plains that stretched before it in a southerly
direction. This town was the central nut of the Gustav
Line, a nut snug and smug for its defenders, with
wriggling lanes and humped houses clutched together in a
centuries-old solitude, but a nut which even if you
destroyed it stone by stone and tile by tile would
remain---indeed assert itself infinitely---as the nut too
deadly to approach, and beyond human powers to
infiltrate.
And not even this was enough. The sleepy nut was
accompanied, even dominated, by a greater and more
imposing and especially reinforced one that covered the
summit of the hill and would require an arsenal of
nutcrackers to break it, yet was just as sweet as


ITAMA ANSKETCHES by Maurice Rowdon
17th July 1963.
"All.this is said with such deep relish for huais. idiosyncracy and 8o keen an eye
for the conio (the last chapter describin,; the author's victorious battle of wits
with a: shfity Ronan landlord is the funiest thing I have read for a long time)
and also, every now and then, with such flashi intelligence - in short, in so
engeging a way thet one keeps on turning the pages, despite a recurrent impulse
to throw the lonk out of the window because of its frequent, often flagrant,
exagserat tisre and unfairness. Time and Egaiit I found ayself saying, Yes, he's on to
saretairg thwre."
a THE TAPLET
"Only for those who love Italy with auch an indecent obsession that
they positively welcome an author who is weak enough to be
similarly infatuated but strong enough to list a hundred re'asons
why he shouldn't be.. If it were possible to explain why Mr.
Rowdon's ideas are so acceptable, it would be possible to explain
Italy - and if this were possiblé, nobody would write books about
Italy any more. All books about Italy are frantic attempts to try
and understand the nature of its fascination, and if Mr. Rowdon's
book is one of the best attempts that has been made for many years,
this 1s because he tries so deeply to understand and must excite the
sympathy of anyone else who has tried to do so." #
NIGEL DENNIS (Sunday Telegraph)
ALIAN SKETCHES by Maurice Rowdon
20thr June 1963.
hen Mr. Rowdon writes as well as that, the delighted reader forgives him
1 his prejudice."
JOHN RAYMOND (Sunday Times)
A ROMAN STREST by Maurice Rowdon
13th February 1964.
"Living in Rome and enjoying contemporary life there with an infectious zest, Mr.
Rowdon can also look back without nostalgia on the city's past. The transformation
scene of recent years is déscribed as Mr. Rowdon comes across it. He watches his
neighbours with the same observant and appreciative understanding as he does changes
of street and shop. He is an amateur of medieval Rome...He reflects that the air must
once have been dusty in the summer in Rome like desert air with breaths from the sea
all the time and he goes on to suggest that a last glimpse of that Rome must have
been had in the first years of the nineteenth century. This leads him to pine trees
sprouting out of the Caracalla ruins. Shelley sitting under the arches of the old
baths, and to Goethe's drawings. His comments on Italian and Sicilian wines
are delicious. So are some of the incidents - a hair-cut gives him a chance to
get a grateful laugh from any but a stern unbending reader... Mr. Rowdon is such good
company that he could have written at greater length wi thout risk of becoming
tedious.'
THE TIMES


MAURICE ROWDON
ITALIAN SKETCHES
THE FALL OF VENICE
'Itis a real pleasure to come across a quite
original book on Italy Iderived much
The new book is a bold and vigorous one, and
pleasure from it.'
though true toi its title is written with such
SIR HAROLD NICOLSON The Observer
enthusiasm that one cannot help concluding
that to fall is happier than to rise.'
'So often piercingly accurate and so far under
NIGEL DENNIS Sunday Telegraph
the skin ofeveryday appearances that it is really
a new appraisal almost ofa new country'
Mr Rowdon is fortunate, because after reading
ISABEL QUIGLEY The Guardian
his enthralling essays one can still return to
Venice and see SO much that has survived the
Within a couple of pages he has established: a
strong literary personality'
CYRIL CONNOLLY Sunday Times
Punch
'Stylish and haunting' New Yorker
'A new writer ofimportance' - Punch
Endowed with a sharp reporter's eye'
A ROMAN STREET
- Surday Times
'I am quite delighted with it. It catches the very
'He can describe what he sees and hears
voice and breath ofRome'
J.I. M. STEWART
with an unpretentious immediacy that
brings a scene instandly and enduringly to
A first-class daily-life writer and all the
life'- Times Literary
Romanists will want to read him. - Every word
Supplement
ofit rings true. reminds us ofLawrence'
'All books about Italy are frantic attempts
BERNARD WALL The Observer
to try and understand the nature ofits
fascination, and ifMr Rowdon's book
ELKEG BELAM
(Italian Sketches)is one ofthe best attempts
Highly entertaining and provocative,
that has been made for many years, this is
this is the incredible, true-life account
because he tries so deeply to understand and
of two astonishing dogs who com-
must excite the sympathy of anyone else
municate with humans, solve arith-
who has tried to do so' - Sunday Telegraph
metic problems faster than you can,
'A loving, sunlit account. something of
and discuss topics ranging from the
Lawrence's travel books, something of
weather to religion.
Durrell's island books - like the chatter of
Many other attempts of varying: success have
an opera recitative, like astis spumante
been and will ber made to communicate with
gurgling effervescent and intoxicating out
animals-dogs, horses, chimpanzees, dolphins.
InThe Talking Dogs. MauriceRowdon has
ofal bottle '- New Statesman
documented- -painstakingly,impressively and
convincngy-onesuch experiment, taking place
THE COMPANION GUIDE TO
rightnow.thathasemphaticllyworked
UMBRIA
Mr Rowdon has written an exceptionally well-
perimeter west
informed and entertaining guide. This is an
outstanding travel book.'
For all who care for literature that
Eastern Daily Press
concerns itself with the things that really
happen and really matter, Perimeter West
is a novel to notice. It is original; its
vision is simple and mature; and it speaks
Clowns, some say, are a dying race.
But if ever a sad day comes when The
for a generation unacclimatised to peace
Great Clowns are no more, and people
and quiet.
who have never seen them wonder what
they were like, we could confidently
"Profoundly serious"
"As an
recommend them to read this remark-
indictment of modern warfare Of Sins
able book.
The description
and Winter is extremely powerful - -
of this performance, with all its tension,
Here, it seems to me, is described the
Helebore near-tragedy, humour and triumphant
dilemma not only of war and peace, but
own toly virtuosity, is a tour-de-force which
that of this century", wrote the reviewer
marks out Mr. Rowdon as a writer of
of Maurice Rowdon's last book in En-
the highest promise.
counter.


Punch hailed him as a 'new writer of importance'. Maurice Rowdon is a professional
author/playwright trained in philosophy, and a breathmaster. He was born in a London
working-class family. He took two degrees at Oxford, the first in Modern History (one year)
and the other in Modern Greats (philosophy, politics and economics), specialising in Kant's
Critique of Pure Reason (three years). He was a Forward Observation Officer in World War
II. He then taught English Literature at Baghdad University. Afterwards he went to Italy to
live and became a specialist in Italian civilization. Dissatisfied with Occidental thought he
turned to the Orient, began practicing Hatha Yoga and daily pranayama or breath-discipline
under an Indian guru. His yoga background led him eventually to develop his own breath
technique which he taught at Berkeley and San Francisco Cal. for nine years.
ABOUT ROWDON'S WORK:
My life work, whether in books, plays or hands-on breath guidance has been a continual
involvement with the nature ofi intelligence, human and animal, and the role of religions and
civilizations in trying to help the human contain what would otherwise be an untamed state of
of dementia. This dementia is perfectly reflected in the present state of the planet, which may
bring extinction to that planet. We can see our full responsibility for this but we still regard
regard ourselves as the finest, indeed the only truly conscious, creatures on the earth, with a
special relationship to God. The other animals appear 'blindly automatic' to us precisely
because theyfit perfectly into their habitats, they go unhesitatingly to their food in the soil or
trees or the lake or ocean, while our tragedy is that we have passed through habitat after
habitat as strangers, until we can now command every habitat on the earth. 'Human' means an
animal rooted nowhere.
In 195 in a Roman Street I predicted that politics would be defined by green issues. 90
In 1960 in Elke and Belham
Space exploration
He has published with Chatto and Windus, Heinemann, Constable, Weidenfeld, Barrie and
Rockcliffe, Gollancz and Macmillan in London; Praeger, Putnam, St. Martin's Press and
Henry Regnery in the USA; S.Fischer Verlag in Germany. [double click to Amazon,
Abebooks
His reviewers include the Times Literary Supplement which observed that 'He brings a scene
instantly and enduringly to life. He is full of variety. His style is extremely simple: short
words and short sentences, yet every now and then he takes off on a purely literary flight of
fancy that carries the reader with it in hilarious or tender acceptance. The delighted reader,
wrote The sSunday Times 'forgives him all his prejudicess' The Guardian called him
'artistically exhilarating.. often piercingly accurate'
The New Statesman found his prose 'like asti spumanti, gurgling, effervescent and
intoxicating. on'.edu forgives him vda
Rowdon's last year at school was interrupted by World War 11 where as a Forward
Observation Officer he fought in the Italian campaign 1943-45. In 1955 his account of the war
Of Sins and Winter published byChatto and Windus was described by reviewers 'as an
indictment of modern warfare.. , a confession, the guilt a man may feel for the part he has
played in mass-slaughter, and the terrible exile which accompanies it. profoundly serious, an
indictment of modern warfare, it describes the dilemma not only of war and peace but that of
this century'f.


BIOGRAPHY Maurice Rowdon
ABOUT ROWDON
Mauricé Rowdon is a proféssional author/playwright trainéd in philosophy, and â bréath-
master. He was born in London in a working-class family. He took two degrees at Oxford,
the first in Modern History (one year) and the other in Modern Greats (philosophy, politics
and economics), specialising in Kant's Critique of Pure Reason (three years). He was a
forward observation officer in World War II. He taught English Literature at Baghdad
University. Afterwards he went to Italy to live, and became a specialist in Italian civilization.
Dissatisfiéd with Occidental thought hé turnéd to thé Orient, bégàri practicing Hatha Yoga
and daily pranayama or breath discipline under an Indian Guru. His yoga background led him
eventuallyto develop his own breath technique which he taught at Berkeley and San
Francisco, Cal. for nine years.
ABOUT ROWDON'S WORK:
'My lifé work, whéthér in books, plays or hands-or bréath guidancé has béén a contirual
involvement with the nature of intelligence, human and animal, and the role of religions
and civilizations in helping humans contain their species-defining insanity.
Thé kéy to all my work and thought is this: Man is not, as hé thinks, thé mastér of himself,
let alone his environment or the universe. He has called himself the only creature with access
to God, the only creature with choice, free will and self-determination.
The fact is that the human, far from being the most highly evolved, the fittest and most
enlightened creature on earth, suffers from a tragic weakness---that of a desperately
béleaguéred animal, oné who must invent éxtraordinary méasures for his owni survival,
measures which have also, understandably and logically, brought the planet and himselfto
néar extinction.
It comés downi to thé human not réally krowing who hé is, what hé suffers from and abové all
how to put himself. humbly and harmoniously back into the planetary habitats he has fought
hard to dominate because hè has no habitat to which he belongs.
But the human tragically persists in thinking he's outside the animal kingdom. I say not only
is he an animal but he is the least intelligent animal on this planet. He has a crooked
idéology which hé inhéritéd from évéry kind of 'thinkér ànd principally Aristotlé, who said
that to become properly human yoù must suppress and disown 'the animal within' I say that,
'on the contrary, the human is an eroded animal and his natural state now is one equivalent to
walking psychosis. THE MAD APE The Animal That Said It Wasn't(forthcoming).
"Thé miraculous thing is that thé momérif wé aré genuinély awaré of our trué staté wé
have automatically taken our first step to sanity'.
THE ROLE OF RELIGION. AND CIVILIZATION
I séé réligion and civilization as our génuinié éffort to softéni and éasé our térriblé stâté.
Religion---from the Latin religio---means 'a binding together". The ancient Romans were the
first to use that word---indeed to name what was until then regarded as a natural state oflife.
How does this religion start? A man or woman has a vision or visitationf, namely an
experience that while it 'comes from nowhere' is the most vivid,and real experience he or she


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Poelinu ltic The lElie
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"WAR IN MY EYES"
Some personal notes on front-line warfare
Dear Eleo Gordon: A few days ago I contacted Stuart
Proffitt to ask him whom to approach at Penguin with
the above title and he kindly suggested you. It is
about world war two and in particular my role as an
F.0.0 or forward observation officer in the Italian
campaign. He Wa Celled h ui han Jexthle
be ams
that
Heetyes)
two-year campaign, from the age of 20-
22, I was responsible like all F.0.0.s, for up to date
intelligence information about the front line whilst
that line was already on the move. I was thus almost
always at the head of an attack and sometimes beyond
it, SO that more than once I was lost in enemy.
utk
linesru
Lice fhe My book, while _moment_by moment account of
battten is also the storyof how-T mastered the work
yotn,
siny
of F.0.0. by' slow degree. That'is, I learned how to (
manage and even - utilise states-of -shock so. varied
that there was no way of pre-empting,or foreseeing
them.
L ulcn 0
Jani
Ital, frinid
t 7
vey cloi
Inmy first Chapter The dE
describe how
26AT7
close to madness every battle experience
is-close in the sense that normal battle shock- may.
turn at any moment. into the extreme shock of muscular
atrophy. or so-called 'shell-shock' (whieh-eontaing- naherf
the very alienation',of which permanent madness.is
made) -
ad Everyone is aware as he watchés the tremors and
blind staring and teeth-chattering that accompany
this helpless"state that 'there by the grace of God
rThere is no. business of courage or cowardice in tattle
this collapee-for even in any other ispect ot AHET oot TC
battlet. These two states.of the nervous system act
together, and need each other, and are within each
other. Itistike an actor whofinlece-hid first
1V - No
entrance of the evening is acçompanied by feathers in
the belly will not'perform well. Do-wish to run away*
Buran provides anenormese energy intheetherdirection h stand.
To live in battle is to witness a strangeness
that baffles all talko even hought 1tis the
strangeness chat
deser
sine ef
external dementia - akes hold et everything. se I
would say ferme net that the poetry is in the pity
but yAp the madness.
lesnor


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All accounts of battle as an exploit or a
triumph or even as an external event are false.
Battle involves a shared inner dumb wondering, which
will be found on every soldier's face as he waits on
the start line for zero hour. His stare into space is
a kind of momentary preview of the shell-shock'
proper.
Nog book climaxes with an action for which I am
cited for gallantry, and I describe how that citation
seems not to be about me at all, making me wonder who
was doing all this. It was simply more of.the
bmill
strangeness.
The fact is that moitraining for F.0.osas even
mpossible. Even-if eur
structor had expertenced
battle tand L came
ouldhave
lacked-werds
should rea
have
been-trained, for stealth and ready intuitive grasp of
totally unexpected events but this would have been
asking -of an army an impossible: prophetic,gift. The
instructors simply didn't have it on "theif-programme."
Of-course every recce into enemy ines by
orwardinfantry-has something f
about it, and such recces went on every day
DOT
asdusk-tame down. But-they
power. The
F.0.0. carried the power'of the guns of an entire
division,' even more if. necessary. He simply had to
exist. No guns could be fired without him. Thus was
he.called by the manuals 'the eyes of the army'.
A few years after the second world war I
published an account of these events in a confused
youthful'cri de coeur which contained, inevitably, no
understanding of what had passed. But I am glad now
to have that account, to endorse my memory. The
rights in-that-book-areinactef revertieg to me.
My previous publishers have been Heinemann (1),
Leui
Constable (1), Chatto and Windus (2), Barrie'Books:
(1), Gollancz (2), Macmillan (1), Weidenfeld (3),
Collins (1) and in the States Putnam, St. Martins'
Press, Praeger. Most of these were commissioned non-
fiction titles. Length: at present 75000 words.
With best wishes Maurice Rowdon
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THE LIES WE LIVE AND DIE FOR
Memoirs of a lying time 1939-1945
MAURICE ROWDON
Chap numbers format size 22 indent two down.
For chap title bold/italic 16 indent two down.


One
Iam happy, says he
When I woke up sunlight was coming through the window
just above my head. I was alone in the house. It was
cold enough for me to see my breath on the air. I had
everything in the world I wished. I had my
girlfriend. I was nineteen. We had fallen in love in
this house. Downstairs.
I remember she sat with her back to a wide
sweeping field and the dusk glowed behind her in the
hot dusk. We were in a circle, five or six of us-a
couple of teachers from the nearby school, Jeff and
Irene, and a few students. Jeff and Irene were my
particular friends. He was a biology teacher and she
had trained as a dancer. They had two children and I
baby-sat for them. The house stood, still stands,
under a steep Hampshire hill that rises to a thick
copse. We had taboganned down it the previous winter.
This morning I would leave for London. And I
wanted to record for my future information that I was
happy. I got up and took some paper and returned to
bed and I wrote these words, I am happy.
At this moment I knew the happiness had stopped.
Nothing had changed between my C. and me but the
happiness had gone and that was why I wanted to write
it down-to catch hold of something past. I argued
with myself. She and I would be together in a few
days. Just the previous evening, when everyone had


left-babies and Jeff and Irene and C.-all had been
well.
But there was a war on. It was 1941.
That morning I hitchhiked to London on the
frequently silent and deserted Portsmouth road, now
that there was SO little traffic. The road was
quietly regaining its earlier beauties, from the time
it was but a track. The walks between lifts were
mysterious like in a new better country. You were by
courtesy of war monarch of all you surveyed. The road
to Winchester, going west, was even more so, as if
stolen from a long-since past epoch when the habitat
was in synch with its creatures. There were such
silences then, before our skies became doleful human
possessions.
The bushes and grasses spread on to the tarmac
and you could stop and lean on a stile and look
across the fields and marvel at this first and last
England.
Stephen Spender had got me a one-off job with
Mass Observation and now they wanted me to do another
one. I remember how I wrote my report in a small
clear hand, always a sign that I was fascinated by
what I was doing. It required me to visit hop-pickers
in Kent SO C. and I stayed at a white humped cottage
near the hop fields in a village about sixteen miles
from London. At that time the Polanyi's, Ilona and
Karl, lived there. He was writing his book The Great
Transformation and was mostly away on lectures and
research. Ilona piloted freight planes to Canada and
back.


My task was to get the hop pickers to talk-about
the war, themselves, what kind of world they wanted
afterwards. And they did with wonderful candour. They
said what they thought about the war. They hadn't
caused, they didn't want it but now they were stuck
with it and as usual the people at the top needed you
badly and like a mug you obliged them but this time
mate we're going to change things, no more hunger
strikes and unemployment and means tests. They didn't
like scientists. They thought scientists would being
a lot of trouble in the world. I just put it all down
as they said it and Harrison who ran Mass Observation
was delighted and said he had more work for me. But
by now I felt too far away from everything, the Kent
work had been fine what with the heat of the hop
lanes and the squatting on the grass during their
breaks but now there was a silence, a waiting. Well,
I was waiting for my mobilisation papers. But this
didn't trouble me. I thought they might not arrive.
It was nonsense, I knew. It was just that my old life
was gone and all I knew of the new on was this
silence, I had a sense of saying good bye to the past
but not hullo to anything else.
In London I went straight to my parents, and C.
joined me in a few days. It wasn't easy getting
across London because of the bombing and most of our
friends lived in or near Hampstead, on the opposite
Mese
side of the city. Two of my friendsawere painters,
Lucian Freud and Johnny Craxton, and we were often in
Lucian's studio. We were all the same age, I was
three months older than Lucian. What we did together


I can't remember. I only have brief pictures. Once we
went to the Craxton house and I remember the sunlight
falling on a grand piano in the garden room. I
remember walking with Lucian in the blackout one
evening and at a certain house him saying, Anna lives
here, I'll go in and lift a bottle of wine. Perhaps
it was for a party we were going to.
And one day he said, It's silly you coming all
across London every day, why don't you live in Mark
Hamburg's studio? Caknew ta name. Like Johnny's
father Mark Hamburg was a concert pianist. The studio
was in a lush garden, a soft retreat cushioned from
aud
noise, aud There tor was a grand piano/ There-was an
B slefy
W, h
CS entte (balcony) and another close to
6 bedroomTuostatrs
the garden door, whereI - slept Sometimes with C
Crsis
bed. Lw
When it was hot I walked the pavements with bare feet
and one day when I was with C. a group of people
stopped in front of us and one of them, ten years or
SO older than us, said to me with a smile, Ah, one of
US. Wé had friends on Parliament Hill and from the
top floor of the house we used to watch the
searchlights at night and listen to the ach-ach guns
and sometimes when the house shook and the windows
rattled we had the thought that we might be
extinguished.
We laughed everything away. One of the many
strange things about war is how it stirs laughter. I
learned this as a soldier. It wasn't in spite of the
dying nor a defence against the screams but an
accessory of them like in a funeral wake when the
dead are felt to be present, the silent players in


this unexpected joy. It happened moments after a
particular hell. In your early twenties you laugh
because that's what you do. Army commanders were
astonished at SO much of it in the forward lines.
There was also, close to the laughing wake, the
vigil, where the soldier sat by the corpse of his
best friend, lying with entrails and sex blown away,
a vigil I particularly remember seeing.
This is why forward troops are respectful any
form of shell shock-the trembling, the stare into
nothing, the green face. The colonel of my regiment
used to tremble when he visited the guns. He tried to
marshal some power in his voice. It was a kind of
walking shell shock. And it was only guns he was
visiting, by no means the forward lines. No one
mimicked or ridiculed him. The strange things that
happened weren't strange to us. I remember seeing
seven or eight infantrymen stare at me with something
of horror as I walked towards them from some woodland
behind me. We were talking about you, their officer
said. We saw you dead. Just up the hill. You were
lying there, we all said it was you. And in those
moments, without even trying to understand, I passed
out of life yet remained there, we accepted it and
smoked and were soon making those impatient movements
of the limbs which the young make when restricted to
a cautious vigilance, watching this way and that,
listening to that boom and this swish of air as
something lands, or something in the bushes that
makes them scuttle for cover.


Just consider that all this belongs to an
institution that offers honours and promotion and
grand parades and other signs of reverence, and we
must wonder that in all these millennia we have never
considered it as other than a norm. Whereas in truth
it belongs to dementia. Once tasted, that dementia
roams. It is what you are seeing and hearing around
you, and starting back from, and hearing intimations
of that can't be heard by others. So when a soldier
sees his officer overtaken by it-suddenly no longer
capable of command, sitting shivering and staring-he
knows the whole person has departed.
Or a soldier may cry that he knows he'll be
killed, please sir let me off, just for this one,
send me back. And is then found dead. I have seen
that too. The shock of premonition.
I would sit in Lucian's studio and watch him
paint. He said something I never forgot-how terrible
it was to finish a picture because you suddenly saw
that it was just a picture.
We all knew we wouldn't be killed, just as those
who were killed did. Above all we knew what was going
to happen, a big war or German occupation. But
whatever we knew about what was going to happen we
didn't believe. I knew my mobilisation papers would
arrive but since they hadn't I thought they never
would. I even thought I might do the Mass Observation
job after all. But I gave it to a friend who did it
badly, and as I had recommended him to Harrison I
felt bad about this, realising I could easily have
done it, I would have been fascinated going to pubs


and talking to people, and sitting in the untidy
election-rooms-I had done quite a bit of canvassing
in my youth for the Labour party.
Sitting in that studio I thought I would wait
for mobilisation no longer, I would ask Alex Shaw, a
friend of my brother's, to give me a job in the Crown
Film Unit which he ran. God knows what I would have
done there, I was brought up in a family happily
obsessed with theatre and anything you could call a
show but films were a thing you just saw and basked
in, you didn't connect them with performance, they
were a never-never world and watching them was close
to daydreaming.
Unawares to us, C. and I were becoming
estranged. One day when we were staying with my
parents I happened to be in the street and saw her
coming towards me. She worked at a munitions factory
now and had a cloth round her head. And it was
somehow this cloth that signed to me that we were
already in different worlds. But everything seemed
all right. We romped and laughed just the same. We
went to a lunchtime concert at the National Gallery,
I think Myra Hess was playing. I was late and the
concert had already started and there was a crush but
I saw her at once and we gave each other the smile
that declared it impossible for us to separate ever.
She was sitting on the floor and I joined her. At
those concerts there was always great excitement,
people shoulder to shoulder.
Whenever we fixed a place and time to meet it
was always more of a gesture than a plan, though we


knew we would meet. Once I went to Leicester Square
tube station for a meeting with her and was rather
late. She didn't come but I wasn't worried. I just
went back three hours later. And there she was. We
walked, SO to speak, into each other's arms. She came
out of one part of the station as I came out of
another. So you could say we never kept each other
waiting.
My mother felt very close to her. I was one of
three boys and my mother had always wanted a girl in
the house. C. was a girl without side or secrecy, she
laughed and didn't have moods, she ate hungrily and
wasn't always snatching glances at herself in the
mirror, she was a good-looker, some would say
beautiful, though she would scorn that, above all she
was clever. My mother used to take six books out of
the library at a time and respected intelligence more
than anything. She and my father vowed, to the horror
of their families who thought boys should be out and
bringing money in by the age of fourteen, that their
three boys would go to the university. Well, two of
them did and the other one, my middle brother,
briefly became an accountant's clerk and from that
time on managed to get the jobs for which a degree,
you would think, was essential. We boys were full of
a certain kind of optimism which the world judged
unreal, but it would come true, like the promise I
made myself that, despite being bad at nearly
everything at school, I would go to Oxford. C. too
got a scholarship and I think it seemed to my mother
a right, predestined kind of love between us.


The moment people walked into the kitchen, where
week-day life went on, their breath was taken away by
the bright primary colours and the warmth and mirth
in the air. My father was something of a clown, my
mother soft and observant. They threw a great
protective cloak of love round certain people and C.
was one of them. She was in the family before she
knew it. But at first she was disappointed. Being an
ardent communist she felt working people should be
like those awful outsize muscular Russian statues
dedicated to an imaginary proletariat. My mother and
father didn't behave like that at all. Also heroic
attitudes would have been difficult for my father
because one of his hands had been cut off in a saw
mill when he was sixteen and he wore a rather
conspicuous special glove, at least when he was
outdoors. The hero could have been found in him by
anyone who chose to look. Without any guidance he
adapted himself to the lost hand. He mended all the
family's shoes, cut the leather exactly to size, he
built his own greenhouse in the garden, grew our
vegetables at a plot up the hill, did all the
carpentry we needed. To C.'s amazement, seeing that
they had suffered So many of the natural humiliations
handed out immemorably to working people in Britain,
they didn't at all seem strugglers for the
Revolution. They even wanted a good time and managed
to get it. Like everyone else they were proud of
their kings and queens and lords and ladies. The
kings and queens and princes were exalted members of
their own family and everyone gossiped about them as


they did relatives. Queen Alexandra, they always
said, wore a scarf round her because she had tried to
commit suicide. Feelings about her husband when he
was Prince of Wales weren't approving but it was like
all family life, there were good pennies and bad
pennies and the main thing about Buckingham palace
and all the finery and curtseying and fairy godmother
carriages was that it showed people what the old
country was worth. This lasted until the abdication
of Edward V1, who was the most popular Prince of
Wales and king since Charles 11. He was the champion
of the people-the poor and hungry, he was very shy
but he wouldn't take any nonsense from anybody, he
would go to the miners and talk to them, he would
shake people by the hand and you knew he understood.
And that was why 'they' got rid of him. After that it
was never quite the same. His brother became king but
at at first it looked like a botched-up job. His
stutter was like what kings should have, being from
such a long line, and that evoked sympathy and family
feeling. But if you make a king abdicate because he
loves somebody there is something wrong. Lies are
abroad. The war helped. The new king and queen stayed
in London during the bombing. They were booed when
they visited the first bomb site in the East End but
you could see they were genuine, that they too felt
that we were all their family like we felt they were
ours.
My mother and father loved their country in an
intimate way that had nothing to do with their being
So poor sometimes that they had no money for the rent


or the coal, those two staple payments of the week.
The very specially sharp rat-tat-tat of the rent man
struck terror in the heart and my mother would
sometimes gesture me to be quiet and we would stand
motionless in the kitchen until he moved. I always
remember how her shoes creaked as she swayed a
little. She told me once, All my life has been fear.
She meant fear of coppers, fear of shopkeepers, fear
of toffs, fear of employers, fear of her mother. She
went out to work at the age of twelve and a half and
her mother, who had ten other children to look after,
was waiting at the end of the street to take her
weekly wages of one half-crown for looking after
three children whose parents were teachers. My father
would shake his head and murmur 'There's nowhere like
old England' and the fact that he had received the
pittance of sixty pounds sterling as compensation for
his lost hand made no difference. In any case, that
settlement for sixty pounds, arranged between his
mother and his boss, worked out well for him. The
boss promised her that her son would have a job for
life if he took that money, and it seemed a wonderful
bargain. And the boss was as good as his word. It
wasn't his fault that one day, on a lovely midsummer
afternoon (I watched formation after formation of the
tiny silver fish fly across the sky above Clapham
Junction where I'd just been to a discussion group on
war aims), the Germans bombed the London docks. When
my father went to work on Monday there were no docks
any more.


I think what my parents showed you, in their
busy conspiracy to make a rich life out of a poor
one, was that living was all a matter of your spirit.
They made their flat and then their house opposite
(my mother had her name down for that for years) a
wonderland for their children. When we were tiny they
used to take us to the working men's clubs. These
happened on Saturday or Sunday night. Some of the
best comedians started in these clubs, which were
usually on an upper floor of large Victorian houses.
Any sense of the theatre I have is because of those
bustling close-packed evenings where you dozed off
for the over-talkative acts and came to life as the
laughter started cracking.
My mother very consciously prepared her three
boys for a different life. We had to speak English
properly because accents in England were like badges
you carried on your chest-people could tell at once
'where you came from' and saying 'bu'er' instead of
'butter' was like carrying the yellow star as a
German Jew during nazism. When I asked her to pass me
the bu'er at table she would say, I'm sorry I haven't
got any. And only when you said, feeling a total
fool, 'butter' did she say, Oh yes, I've got some
butter, here it is.
C. settled down to love them with a certain
bemusement, perhaps feeling that this her first view
of the proletariat wasn't a typical one.
She never met my eldest brother John. He had
already gone to India with his friend Aubrey Menen.
Their idea was to get what work they could find on


Bombay radio or the Times of India. They must have
found it because they were away eight years, from
I talked to C. about Johhim endlessly. He and
Aubrey engineered a series of miracles for me as a
childed. One day we were told at school that we would
be going to see a Shakespeare play in the West End,
which meant a whole afternoon off. It was at the
Vaudeville in the Strand. I didn't much appreciate
going to the theatre in a crowd of school kids. I
resented a 'performance for schools' and I thought it
would probably be awful, which it was. In the
interval my neighbour nudged me. Someone was at the
end of the row wanting to talk to me. To my
astonishment it was Aubrey. To mix my brother and
Aubrey with anything to do with school was like
mixing tea and champagne. I kneed my way past the
other boys and he told me in his usually quite
assertive way, I'll be waiting for you at the back
after the curtain. When the play ended he took me
upstairs behind the dress circle to a lounge
overlooking the Strand (I remember the exciting
feeling of all those windows)and there was a
reception going on, quite a crowd. He put me in front
of a man who towered above me benignly. Aubrey
introduced him, This is Lord Bessborough, telling him
I was fourteen, at which the lord asks me, How many
stars would you give the play? and as I had no idea
what stars meant in this context, and as I wasn't
about to tell him how awful I thought the performance
was, I quickly decided that stars might mean like in


'film stars' and about five was about all you could
have in Julius Caesar (him, Portia....), So I said,
Five, and everybody was pleased. And next morning the
event was described in William Hickey's column:
fourteen-year-old Maurice Rowdon gave it five
stars'.
The most wondrous moments of my childhood were
when my mother said, We're going up to see one of
John's shows tonight. He and Aubrey-I think they had
just finished their last year at London
university-put on the first theatre daily news,
namely the day's news dramatised each evening in a
large Victorian house in Bloomsbury. It was hectic
because naturally you had to have a new play ready by
the end of each morning, and it had to be learned
letter-perfect and blocked by the end of the
afternoon. They treated news as satirical comedy and
were very audacious. It petered out the moment they
got interested in something else. They put on an
adaptation of H.G.Wells's Shape of Things to Come at
the Arts theatre and I remember I went to rehearsals
and met the director, a young man named de Marney.
His girl was one of the cast and when they met they
kissed on stage, a very long kiss which I wondered at
deeply and shyly. As I stood on that stage I vowed to
myself that one day I would produce a play of my own
here. And one day many years after I did.
H.G.Wells came to first night and sat in the
circle and the curtain went up on Aubrey in a room
full of books and he was sprawled comfortably in a
chair. He began speaking and then, suddenly, he


looked up at the dress circle and began addressing
Wells, but it was all scripted. I heard afterwards
that Wells was furious and left in the interval. But
I doubt his being furious over the kind of audacity
he himself had a lot of. John and Aubrey moved on to
a new colour process for photography and managed to
interest George Bernard Shaw in it. One evening, in
their flat near Marble Arch, I asked Aubrey a
question about one of Shaw's plays and he said, Why
don't you ask him yourself? and dialled a number and
held out the phone to me and to my astonishment Mrs.
Shaw answered and I told her I would like to speak to
Mr. Shaw and she said, Hold. on a moment, and then he
came, and we talked for ten or fifteen minutes. I
said I had written a play when I was eight and he
said, Well you're obviously going to do much better
than me, I was over forty when I wrote mine. And when
I said, Could I send you a play he said, with a nice
burlesque sharpness, As I'm considerably more famous
than you why don't we talk about my plays? which one
shall we talk about? And I said, Pygmalion. So we
talked about that. Aubrey was SO excited he was
trying to listen in and get it all down on his
typewriter and at one point Shaw stopped and said,
What's that typewriter? I said, Nothing. And he
accepted that and we went on.
C. couldn't bear the theatre side of me. Once
when I put on a spotted red bow tie and dark glasses
she rushed across the room with furious dark eyes and
tore them straight off. It was all right for us to
romp and laugh which we loved doing but dressing up


as a playboy even in fun was too near the bone. And
what was the bone? I think C. understood the war
better than I did. She saw it the simple communist
way. It was one of the last steps in the downfall of
capitalism, and it would be bitterly fought out. It
would change everything. It would send the ruling
class tumbling to the ground. So it was part of 'the
struggle'. Those words figured a lot in speech. They
were the theme and refrain of Auden's poem Spain,
which he published as a pamphlet. It described all
the nice things simple things we could do
yesterday', like going to the sea in the summer. But
today there was only the struggle (Auden expunged the
poem from his works in his post-communist phase).
I think C. knew, as I didn't, that this war was
the most serious part of our lives, that it would
never be superseded. Never be lived through.
When we went to Kent to stay with Ilona Polanyi
the three of us spent exciting hours talking
together. Ilona flew freight planes across the
Atlantic (I imagine they came back loaded with
military supplies). She used to say, I shall settle
in Canada after the war to observe the downfall of
American capitalism. Well, it outlived her but I am
sure she recognised all the signs of collapse,
however long they might take. Ilona spoke very softly
and had steel-grey eyes without anything steely in
them. I remember her as a small slim woman. Her voice
was like soft music, especially when she was trying
to admonish one of us. She too was a communist and So
she and C. had a wonderful identity together. Ilona


never talked about it. It was in Hungary and it
released her from prison. She knew Stalin, Lenin,
Trotsky and may have been on that mysterious Russian
committee called 'the Comintern'.
Karl Polanyi was quite different. He would have
nothing to do with communism, as I wouldn't. So
whenever all four of us were together it was like a
divided camp but a close and intimate one. The women
forgave us for our weakness, our bourgeois
deviationism. He was writing his book The Great
Transformation (it took fifty years from its
publication in 1945 to be properly recognised), He
was So deep in it he nearly burned the cottage down.
C. had put a drying horse loaded with wet
underclothes close to the fire and after a time they
took flame. She rushed into the room and Karl was
still bent over his manuscript. She said, Didn't you
notice the flames? and he said, I did smell burning.
Ilona made her soft sweet musical admonition, 'Karl..'
Those discussions of ours were exciting because
they gave us such a wonderful feeling of freedom, as
if we were deciding on the future of the world. It
was an optimism radiated by the communists and it
inspired and invigorated all the Labour people. The
three of us sat snug in the cottage, aware of the
village about us, its silence that was like other
people listening to us and approving. John Strachey,
whose books were going round a lot, was especially


good at making us feel that we were in charge of
ourselves and could make our own lives. Communist
terminology and sentence structure-the doctrine
part-were stiff and abstract and boring but they did
give the impression that there an eternal system had
been discovered into everything fitted. At the end of
the war there was going to be a-really the-
revolution. That was assumed in all conversations,
and Labour people began talking that way too.
I felt quite a lot of misgiving sometimes
because Ilona spoke with such certainty and a great
part of me believed her. The England I knew would
disappear (she was right there). The upper classes
would be toppled (she was right there). There would
be a revolution (she was right there in that 'the
soldier's vote' removed Churchill from office). I
could feel that she was right about SO many things.
She had access to a system of thought which
acknowledged no doubt.
But what would happen to our lives, the actual
lives that never figured in the communist language?
Would the dictatorship of the English proletariat
mean cutting out all the things the English
proletariat loved in the bourgeois way of life such
as the size of their houses and studios and the grand
pianos in them and that air bourgeois people gave off
of a firmly established order that would never change
(hopefully) drift into proletarian life by a
delicious osmosis?
I also knew that the last people who wanted to
be called one word like the proletariat would be


working people themselves, namely the majority. They
liked to have very individual lives for the sound
reason that they had all too rigid ones.
So the three of us dreamed together our three
different dreams, looked forward to our future worlds
over which we would have no more control than the man
in the moon-even darling Ilona who had actually
changed a whole country.
We were all going to be separated too. We knew
this and it made the dreaming all the more fervent
and decisive.
I had finished my first year at Oxford, reading
history. C. had done her first year, reading physics,
at Nottingham. I wrote longing letters to her from my
rooms over the High, and she wrote longing ones back.
She came and visited me and I remember hovering among
the college roofs in the dead of night and looking at
her far below outside the back gates because we had
decided we should be in each other's arms all night.
But the drop was too great to be risked. All that
Oxford stuff was thrilling-the rule that you could
only have women in college at tea-time, the rule that
if your bed was found undisturbed in the morning by
your scout you could be denounced, that is you had to
bribe your scout. Proud authority was in the air. If
late at night you were recognised by the bullers as
undergraduate material they chased you in their
bowler hats and having seized you delivered you into
the hands of the waiting proctor.
It all bestowed a sense that you were being
sternly tethered to a scholarly treadmill while also


being tempted to burst those tethers. The punishment
was there for you to fear but it came with the taunt
that if you didn't risk its wrath you didn't deserve
to be called Mr.Rowdon, as you were most religiously,
instead of the barebones Rowdon at school.
All those systems within systems in this
bourgeois world, full of atmosphere because they
contradicted themselves-were they going to disappear
in the revolution?
I remember getting a request in my college mail
that I should attend at such and such a time a
certain room for an interview to discuss what I
intended to do with myself during (not at the end of)
the war. Everybody got one. What the request really
said was that a year at college at your age was your
lot. The rest was war.
The man on the other side of the table gave the
impression of being faintly flattered at your
actually having come. You could hardly not give your
heart. I tried for Intelligence, as everyone did, but
was gently told the ranks were full. The poor man
must have heard the same child's voice a hundred
times a day trying to seem, as that child was gently
edged off all his preferences. the maker of his
future. I walked out a future officer cadet. In the
artillery.
Yet my mind had worked hard. And it had made a
choice. I seriously thought, all the way through,
should I or should I not go into this war? should I
not end this discussion at once by saying I was a
conscientious objector? In an interview that couldn't


have lasted more than five minutes I went through a
rapid self-examination which asked only question,
what could a war possibly achieve for you that you
would urgently wish for?
And my answer was, the salvation of the Jews.
When I speak of the Jews I speak of the most
liberating force in my life at an age when either a
door opens to your very own self or it doesn't-is
revealed to you, even opened for you though it
belongs to you and is your own-or that door doesn't
open or only opens an inch and you are forever after
looking through the chink at what you might or would
or should have been.
That was why I walked out of that room an
officer cadet. Nobody said, This war is going to stop
that man Hitler baiting and beating and murdering his
own people. Nobody said, This war is to get rid of
such a man. The matter of the Jews was entirely
irrelevant to the waging of the war. That declaring
war against Hitler would put the Jews entirely in his
power was a matter never even momentarily considered.
And that was how the Jewish civilisation in
Europe was virtually extinguished.
Not that I thought of this when walking out of
that room. Not that I thought of it at any time
during the war. All that happened in that room was
that I made my decision to enter the war-perhaps all
I wanted to do was witness the war, discover its
uncanny status as a revered human institution.
Perhaps I only needed my concern for the Jews to be
the entry pass for my conscience.


The transition from citizen to soldier is as
easy as putting on a glove. You just change your
uniform. Yet it is the most dynamic change of your
life, a change that feels purely outward, which
allows it to dig into the most secret recesses of
your life.
You have signed a contract to kill and be
killed. You can feel, at once, that you will either
survive their treatment or not, and that they aren't
too worried either way. 'They' aren't the officers in
charge of you. It is the institution that has the
sangfroid. It applies to all the officers commanding
you.
One of my fellow cadets who felt he was horribly
ugly, and was told day in and day out by the officer
in charge of us that he was, shot himself in the
mouth. This youth had a very open, rather
confessional way of talking, as if he had an
interesting story to tell, but he hardly spoke. We
were uniformly nice to him but it was the officer's
disgust that he chose to respond to. Probably the
officer couldn't help showing it. In war-training, as
in war, you just did things. There was no inside to
them.
What possible concern could such a machine have
for the fate of a civilisation, Jewish or any?
The first German Jew I came to know was Norbert
Elias, who is now known as 'the last classical
sociologist', probably because his style of speech
was limpid and serene in its detachment. Like Sigmund
Freud's, it harked back to a late nineteenth-century


period of great middle-class security in Germany and
the Austro-Hungarian empire.
Norbert was destitute at the time, trying to get
in at one of the universities. His book, called The
Civilising Process in its English translation, was
only in note form at that time, with a few sections
of it printed in Germany.
It was my brother who introduced me to him, just
before he left for India. He asked Norbert to give me
a mind, teach me how to think. I was just fifteen.
And though Norbert didn't teach me how to think he
put me on the path by planting a certain detachment
in me. He would tell me how in the middle ages a
knight would send a sample of his urine to his
mistress as a token of adoration. Then he would say,
as I blushed with confusion, 'There you blush! How
did urine become a source of shame for you?' He would
say it archly, laughing. And in that way I came to
see that my emotions had a history, that I had been
made, and that the thing called civilisation wasn't
outside me but an intimate thing that had to do with
my disgusts and self-restraints. He would take me
through little histories of how belching, farting,
spitting, excreting were differently regarded by
different civilisations. I was fascinated. I had
discovered something that I could never have
imagined. My very emotions were historical. Little
wonder that I later took history as my scholarship
subject for Oxford. And what a disappointment that
was. All I got was a load of dates and politics.


But for me Norbert never went far enough. He
never got free of the idea that civilisation was a
kind of moral ascent to a better man or woman. He
couldn't see that 'the civilising process' was really
the process of growing up to be a human. I didn't
like the idea that it was a thing that made you
reason, and that it improved your manners. So I
disagreed with him all the time. Yet I couldn't
properly say why. I only had hunches and surges of
feeling, as one does in childhood. But it was my
often sullen disagreements with him that sharpened my
wits.
He made me impatient to be older, indignant to
be considered a schoolboy. His German accent was the
sound of intelligence for me and at school I
sometimes adopted it if I wanted to sound special. He
was a small man and had a very large nose which of
course was seen as an exaggerated Jewish' nose. In
Germany had had to powder it to escape too much
attention.
My Jewish friends multiplied, or perhaps it was
that I had become aware of Jews for the first time.
English ones came forward. It seemed that at every
turn, every crisis when I needed openness and
directness to any subject on earth one of them would
appear, my age, a little older, much older like
Norbert. I was more and more astonished at the role
Jews played in my life. C. was herself half-Jewish.
They talked about what I talked about, they shared my
interests but it was in a different mode, it had
something unashamedly intimate yet it was withheld in


certain important ways. Not even they seemed to know
about it.
In SO many ways C. and I had been following the
same kind of life before we met. She had gone to
meetings and discussions exactly as I had. When I
walked up Whitehall amid one hundred thousand people
(so we were said to be) shouting Down With
Chamberlain and Chamberlain Must Go she may have been
there too, ardently claiming to know what the
background to the war was. Neither of us knew a thing
of course. Why else would we both have desired the
resignation of a man who had bargained hard for
peace? What were we doing but giving another
conservative, this one a war man, the feeling that
the Labour party and the communists were more
enthusiastic about war than most conservatives?
But then my whole association with the Labour
party had a war theme. I used to stand outside a
railway station holding up copies of a broadsheet
called Spain and shouting to the workmen who came out
of the station Arms For Spain. How can I say now that
I joined the revered institution called war in that
Oxford room when at the age of fifteen I was already
its servant? When workmen came up to me and told me,
Why don't you go out and fight there then? I had my
answer ready (I'd been groomed for the task), If you
would like to finance my trip I'll go. And I said the
same when holding up another broadsheet titled Russia
Today. When they came up and said If you like Russia
so much why don't you go and live there mate? I said
the same-finance my trip. Of course I knew damned


well that on their three pounds odd a week they were
never going to do it.
Not one of us in that crowd calculated what a
war would do to us. No one wanted war. In that we
were the same as the Germans. It was what Hitler
repeated publicly, we want only peace and we are
surrounded by angry predators. He knew well enough
that nobody wanted a war SO close on that horrible
1914-18 one of trenches and attrition. We all hoped
so hard during the Phoney War, which lasted from
September 1939 to May 1940, that it would go on for
ever.
C. and I met when the Phoney War ended. It
started in September 1939 when Neville Chamberlain
declared war on Germany. And it ended in the spring
of 1940 when Hitler invaded Belgium and the Ardennes
in France.
It was the American press that called this
idyllic six months phoney. And if bombs and screams
signify war it was. We basked and daydreamed in this
peaceful war, we schoolchildren. We thought that
Britain and Germany must be negotiating for a
settlement after all. We also thought this was
probably rubbish. In fact it wasn't but we were
middle-aged by the time we found that out.
C. and I met at the top of a warm luscious
shaded Hampshire hill, we sat and lay down on the
grass with a few others behind the church. We saw
each other, by accident but yet certitude, every day
after that. Then one night we stayed talking with
friends until dawn. And she and I walked down the


hill to where I lived in the rising light. There was
a copse at the bottom where we sat for a moment.
Everything was dry and crisp from the heat. The first
birds were calling, very softly. I had read some
weeks before that your girl throws anything at you in
play she is in love with you. And C., laughing at
something I said, threw a handful leaf dust and
pebbles at me. We jumped up and went into the house
tiptoe. I remember the warm golden red of the great
copper pans on the kitchen walls and how the clock
ticked as we kissed in that first dawning ecstasy
that is meant by innocent biology to be the basis of
a lifetime.
By that time France was occupied. The Germans
were within a few miles of our coasts. But something
in us told us they wouldn't invade. What were these
inklings we had? Why did we laugh at the preparations
made to mobilise a citizen army to fight tanks and
quick-firing schmeizers and bazookas and air-burst
shells? Was it our way of turning this war into a
last Phoney Peace?
I remember listening to Neville Chamberlain's
declaration of war over a year before. It didn't
convince me. Too many doubts hovered round his voice
on the radio. It didn't feel true-a few mildly spoken
words for what for us was the end of the world. It
sounded SO polite, that declaration. So close to the
safe world we grew up in, a consumer world where
earnings had been on the up and the shops So brightly
and teasingly lit. It seemed impossible that we
should be torn from this So hesitantly.


It was the same back in 1938 when Chamberlain
arrived at Croydon airport from his talks with
Hitler. He waved the little signed paper and said,
This is peace in our time. And whatever governments
may have consistently said about Chamberlain since,
denouncing his appeasement' to rationalise their new
wars, we were all SO grateful for that man's piece of
paper.
When C. and I talked about the war we never
looked beyond the news we were given. To know the
inside story, if there was one, would have been
irrelevant. The war was on and our ideology was that
this war was to get rid of a reactionary or fascist
who wished to extend his tyranny to the whole of
Europe as far as the Russias under a new 'third'
German empire. In this he was substantiating the
Marxist analysis which said that in the last stages
of capitalism forces would emerge to give a last
doomed boost. This was the background of Ilona
Polanyi's happiness at being involved in the war. She
said once, If I should go down would you please see
that... and then would come a request to help or
contact someone. She had no worries about dying for
this war.
And when Churchill became prime minister she was
happy not because she considered him SO different
from Hitler, in that he too was bent on shoring up
the last ruins of capitalism, but that he would get
the job done properly. A job, she said, that would
remove him from power as soon as it was finished
(which of course happened) . The important thing about


him, for her, was that he meant the end of
appeasement.
What none of us knew, as we still on the whole
don't, was that the so-called appeasement of Germany
had been a carefully considered foreign policy of
Britain, France and the USA for nearly twenty years.
And there some obvious political wisdom in it. If you
had one principal enemy in the world, the Soviet
Union, it stood to reason that you needed a strong,
orderly Germany to stand up to it. Without that
France and Britain and every other European country
was exposed. And, as obviously, this strong Germany
should be, if possible, decidedly anti-communist. And
Hitler and his party, bizarre though they certainly
were, fitted this bill.
Ilona saw that well enough. It was but a feature
of the fall of capitalism. She therefore never saw
that the war might produce a far more formidable
capitalism than before.
None of us grasped that Chamberlain had never
nervously and cravenly appeased Hitler. He befriended
him, just as his diplomats in Berlin did. And since
we never grasped this fact-that Chamberlain was
simply securing a powerful buffer against the Soviet
Union-we never got to understand why Hitler always
acted with such haste, why he always seemed to catch
the world napping. The reason was he had SO little
strengtn, particularly military strength. And he had
no backing for war from his own people. The memory of
the last one, and the destitution and lawlessness
that followed, was still a hot memory. He had to act


fast and there had to be almost no bloodshed. And in
that he had the tacit understanding from Chamberlain
and his diplomats that they could always rely on
British understanding. His ideas about the Jews and
building a thousand-year empire seemed to them
rhetoric for popular consumption.
So not even Chamberlain seemed convinced when he
declared war. The disbelief in his voice came from
his astonishment that Hitler could have gone back on
his word, his own signature, when their understanding
was SO tight and So secret.
Hitler had to show himself a conjuror. Because
his leadership was always at risk because of rivals
close at hand and the dislike of him among the army
commanders and the diplomats he put it at risk with
astonishing panache. And no one understood this. He
was considered just to be doing what a tyrant does,
without any analysis at all.
Even his attack on Belgium and France could have
been halted by a swift allied reaction. A vastly more
powerful allied concentration of troops, a vastly
greater number even of tanks, were close to the very
point of his attack. But he got round the back of
them.
That was the reason for his love of the so-
called blitzkrieg, a swift armoured push that put the
enemy into disarray and caused infinitely fewer
casualties than the frontal assault. The War Office
in London had been the first to put this forward,
soon after the 1914 war. Then it had got shelved, and
the old costly frontal attack was adopted once more.


And because no one understood why Hitler SO loved the
idea of swift action no measures were taken to
inhibit him. His good fortune was lovingly prepared
for him.
What in effect we were doing in the Thirties was
fostering a friendship with Hitler while never
seriously taking his ideas into account. We gave him
what he wanted because what he was doing was right
for British security. In occupying the Rhineland,
then Austria, then Czechoslovakia he was putting a
buffer north and east and south against Russian
armies.
Even So he was very tentative about it all,
another fact we never saw. This was because he was
sensitive to British censure to the point of
hysteria. When he walked into the Rhineland (at that
time a demilitarised zone guaranteed by the Western
powers) he equipped his army with dummy bullets and
ordered them to withdraw at once should a French army
appear from the west.
In the Czechoslovak crisis he cancelled his
invasion at the slightest sign of British
disapproval. Far from Chamberlain playing a weakly
appeasing role he was rather a fatherly figure for
Hitler. He delivered raps on the knuckles and
carefully worded warnings which while they often held
him back were grooming him too for a statesmanship
which the world would be happy with.
Each time Chamberlain warned him not to go too
fast he added a paternal note that he was sure that
together they could always find a solution. Mussolini


couldn't believe what Hitler got away with, a fact
which precipitated him into Hitler's arms. It was as
if Britain were warning the world off Hitler as its
own baby. Mussolini massed his troops at the Austrian
frontier when news of the nazi invasion came. He
waited in vain to be joined by allied armies.
Yet the unwritten pact between Britain and
Germany rested on a fallacy which neither saw. For
Chamberlain there was no possibility that Hitler
would be such a fool as to gom to war with Britain,
his best benefactor and the strongest country in the
world, a country he, Hitler, respected and admired
beyond all other foreign powers. And in precisely the
same way Hitler was convinced (by Ribbentrop, his
ambassador in London) that Britain would never, under
any circumstances, wage war against Germany. And
because their dealings together were secret,
palatable to neither British nor German popular
opinion, they could never reach official status.
British diplomats turned up at all the big nazi
celebrations. With their smiles they gave dignity to
a regime that, under cover of this, created with
remarkable swiftness a reign of terror.
This regime was one thing that was perfectly
clear to us. By 1937 Jewish refugees were appearing
in London with their stories of the concentration
camps. But for the Foreign Office the Jewish question
was a matter solely for Germany, not a problem for
the world. This didn't change under Churchill. In
fact the Foreign Office's contempt for any opposition
to Hitler within Germany became stronger. One of the


first things Churchill did was to put out a directive
that no peace negotiations with Germany were to be
entertained. Which included listening to any German
dissidents who had the will and power to overturn
Hitler.
When it came to the Nuremberg trials at the end
of the war every mention of an opposition in Germany,
of rivals to Hitler who worked hard to elicit the
attention of the British government were quickly
discouraged. Yet the truth was that, historically,
there was more opposition to Hitler in Germany, in
high places and low, than ever there was in allied
governments before the war got going.
GO STRAIGHT TO POLISH CRISIS AND DECLARATION
BEGINNING These were the reasons neitrher we who
listened to Chamberlain;s declaration of war on the
radio, nir he himself, could believe it possible.
WEED OUT: This was especially the case when Hitler
began threatening Poland. His stop-go decisions on
whether and when to invade were SO frequent it was a
marvel he wasn't quietly removed from office. But
what sustained the people round him was the thought
that since he had got with the Rhineland, Austria and
Czechoslovakia against all apparent odds there was no
reason why he shouldn't get away with Poland. He
didn't want war. He only wanted to carve up Poland as
a crucial move in the plan to create a buffer between
Russia and the West. That was why he had made his


pact with Russia, to share Poland with an enemy which
might otherwise have declared war on him.
He would have liked a pact with London. But that
would have been impossible for Chamberlain because
the official story about Hitler was that he was
always jumping the gun and that Britain was unable to
do anything about it, even that Britain and her
allies was too weak to do anything abo9ut it, a
total lie. France alone could have put one hundred
divisions into the field at any time. It would have
been a peaceful operation. Hitler would have retired
with his fingers burned and quite possibly the anger
felt towards him by army commanders and diplomats,
not to say the public, would have removed him from
office.
Not it was too late. Chamberlain had to seem not
Hitler's friend but his potential enemy. So he made
the disastrous move of guaranteeing the frontiers of
Poland. He could no more get an army to Poland, much
less set up a line of supply to it, much less give it
air cover, than to fly to the moon. Logically
Chamberlain should have stomached the invasion of
Poland as he had all the other invasions. Instead he
signed a guarantee that Poland would be protected. He
was in no position to protect it. He could no more
get an army to Poland, and a line of supply to that
army, than fly to the moon. It was too far away. An
airborne army without supply lines was of course
unthinkable.
All the guarantee did was to tie his hands. It
made war, should Hitler move, inevitable. Having


given him Europe he would to fight for it back. To do
that was still possible. But there was no will to
fight. There was no will in Britain, and there was
even less will in Germany, which the first world war
had devastated and almost starved out.
There lay Chamberlain's hesitatation both at
Croydon airport and on the radio announcing in SO few
mild words that we were at war with Germany. And this
was why the Phoney War seemed a fit and proper result
of that declaration: neither side wanted to do
anything. So in fact there wasn't a state of war.
There was exactly the same state as there had been
before, with the next move up to Hitler. Yet Britain
and France put together an enormous force on the
French border to Germany, enough to crush a German
army that was neither prepared nor equipped for war.
But, given that things were the same as before,
the one thing that could be expected was a quick and
sudden invasion, as bloodless as possible, of the
kind that the Rhineland, Austria and Czechoslovakia
received. And this is what happened. Hitler slipped
his armour into a gap. It was the very same thing he
had been doing all along. The casualties were minimal
compared to what a frontal attack on 1914 lines would
have involved.
It was a bagatelle for Hitler to pour his
unprepared divisions through the gap and occupy most
of France. Again, bafflement on the British side.
Bafflement in all of us. Yet we, that is the we of
the government, knew all about this attack-before it
happened. It had the earlier Mannheim plan in its


hands, and the natural assumption was that this, once
that plan was lost (intentionally or otherwise) in
Belgium, that it would either take place or be
revised and take place in another form. It was clear
the Germans wouldn't adopt a plan that had been lost
or leaked. But it was also clear that they had
possibly lost or leaked it in order to make us
believe that they were going ahead with it. So the
allies had two possibilities to prepare for, neither
of which would have involved much movement. The
armour was far superior to Hitler's, after all.
This was the truth but all you knew in England
was that we had a miraculous or heroic or courageous
retreat from a place that went down in the bogus
pages of history as 'Dunkirk'. No one asked why, at a
certain point in General Guderian's advance to the
Channel, he was ordered by Hitler to halt, that is,
from his own point of view, to fail to cut off and
take prisoner virtually a whole army. Nothing would
have been easier but Hitler was adamant: there must
be no further advance. To have completed the advance
would have been to cut off the last available port of
escape from the British-Dunkirk.
In other words Hitler was still in the
friendship mode. He wanted to save his friend's face.
He even ordered Goering not to put any planes in the
air. Dunkirk was in that way turned into a blessed
victory. It was a media coup. With amazing skill and
typical courage a British army had slipped away from
the enemy's grasp. And the story was such a total lie
that it is still believed today.


C. and I believed it without question. We who
thought ourselves astute in all such things didn't
even wonder why those troops weren't bombed.
On the day of Hitler's thrust, May 10 1940,
Churchill became prime minister. He flew to Paris and
argued against any withdrawal by the allies. He
agreed with the French commander Gamelin that
infantry battalions should be massed against the
Germans inn the old 1914 frontal attack style. It was
hopeless and in one stroke of a few days Belgium,
Holland (that operation cost the Germans only 180
casualties) and France were occupied. Who had taken
the trouble to study Hitler's methods of surprise
attack? Who, knowing that the word blitzkrieg best
described these methods, had adopted methods that
would have worked miraculously on German forces that
were as yet poorly equipped and under-trained? It
wasn't at all because the minds of army commanders
were still set in the 1914 mode. That was only a
symptom that could and to some extent later was
corrected by the politicians. Much deeper was a
reluctance to do anything fast or decisive because
there was no justifiable reason for the two sides to
be fighting at all, in view of the greater enemy in
the East.
This is how war is obliged by its nature to deal
in lies. Suddenly masses of agreements have to be
hushed up, agreements that may have been, if not
agrreable, politically wise. To produce a black and
white situation of enemy against enemy everything has


to be simplified, and all the elaborate negotiations
that preceded war have to be suppressed.
So when we all walked up Whitehall shouting Down
With Chamberlain and Chamberlain Must Go all we were
doing was, with one more step in the dark, closing
off the truth from ourselves much more effectively
than even a government could. War is thus a system of
wiping out all trace of earlier dealings that fail to
fit the enemy-to-enemy formula, as in the case of the
friendly dealings between the allies and Hitler's
sorry group of nazi hopefuls in the Thirties-which
but for that studied diplomatic friendship would
never have found the political status behind which to
put all Germany in the grip of a spy system.
I had no grasp of this at all, only hunches and
doubts. I was puzzled, I wondered but never a
question formed on my lips.
For instance when on the day the London docks
were bombed I looked up and saw those tiny glittering
fish in the sky I never asked myself why Hitler had
chosen Saturday afternoon when no one would be
working there. All we said was, Lucky it was Saturday
afternoon.
We did think from time to time that there was a
chance of some contact between the British and German
governments. Then we put it down to wishful thinking.
On the other hand the fact that the Phoney War had
happened seemed to say that some negotiations might
possibly still be going on. But as to a political
friendship being the reason for that phoney phase
neither we nor the American press had any idea. Not


even the communists talked about it, they who talked
So much about capitalist wars being a collusive act
with no other end than a greater capitalism.
As for the declaration of war, while we all felt
something unconvincing about it, we missed the key
fact that it was a fearful calamity. Fear S never a
good aid t analysis. Having ostentatiously not come
out with a guarantee for the demilitarised zone of
the Rhineland, having ostentatiously not come out
with guarantees for Austria and Czechoslovakia,
suddenly the government comes out with a guarantee
for Poland, a land entirely inaccessible to allied
armies and tanks and their supply lines.
What the declaration did was to throw Poland to
the wolves in a few moments, those wolves being
Hitler and Stalin who not many months before had
signed a pact which in effect was a promise to share
Poland if the time should come. And the war
declaration gave them carte blanche-since it was now
war-to grab what they liked and call it their own.
So having failed to check Hitler because he was
a necessary buffer against the ever more influential
Soviet Union you now became the enemy of both the
buffer and the land it was meant to hold at bay. Of
all supinely moronic events in history this was
surely one of the best. And Churchill, the man who
was said with his vigour t have saved all afterwards,
was in that government. And he applauded the
guarantee. A guarantee of total isolation.
And all because these men were up to their eyes
in protocol and received attitudes that they never


troubled to look at Hitler the man. It was very
simple. Hitler couldn't understand English very well,
nor was Ribbentrop, his link with English life, all
that reliable in his understanding of the tongue.
Hitler even asked during the Polish crisis for
someone from England to talk to him personally,
someone who had power and authority in London who
could talk the German language. In that way he would
be able to explain his prevarications during that
crisis, his continual stop-go on the matter of
invading Poland. Quite clearly he wanted to know
where Britain would draw the line, say no. A diplomat
suggested General Ironside as that man. But nothing
happened. It disappeared in smooth prevaricating
protocol. The paternal Chamberlain didn't see to it
immediately. No one gleaned from that request how
anxious Hitler was not to offend the one power he
respected above all others-and constantly said he
respected. So no one told him that, yes, Britain
would indeed make war over Poland. Hitler simply him
needed to know from London whether or not he was
pursuing a shared or lone policy. Certainly neither
the diplomats nor Chamberlain behaved as if they
thought him a maverick, whatever they said to each
other. You can see them all smiling together in the
photographs in full regalia.
Also Hitler was very good on protocol occasions.
He reasoned clearly, he had a very sharp memory for
detail, he was quite other than the man who yelled on
the podium and gave vent in orivate to outbursts of
rage.


But, even more important, Hitler went on crying
for help. The war could, with sufficient ingenuity,
have been halted. On October 10 he proposed a peace
conference publicly, which meant, as he knew, that he
would get a public rebuff. Then he told his army
commanders that, fearing an attack from Russia at any
time, he felt the need to attack in the west and if
possible overrun France. In that way he would have
much more of a bargaining counter with Britain. But
by now the diplomatic channels were closed. When that
no peace offers were to be entertained from any
quarter in Germany.
Churchill found himself in the quandary of a
hundred lifetimes. Suppose Germany and Russia a
deeper understanding, one that gave Germany a free
hand to invade Britain? What if, more likely, Hitler
attacked Russia? The victory of either Russia or
Germany would then be bad news. It would mean facing
an impregnable continent. If those countries fought
each other, so to speak, to the death, bleeding each
other to death-that would be the ideal solution but
wasn't the basis of a policy.
It was this that turned Churchill towards
America, as the only country that could see off both
Germany and the Soviet Union. The USA was a vast
irresistible supply source. By that one decision the
very nature of war changed. It became total war where
you leave a people without much of a claim to being a
nation at all. They are totally surrendered up to
you, leaderless. The Casablanca agreement of 1943
just put it onto paper. It brought in great


liberality as to weapons employed. The cover war had
always had, namely as an ethical quest, was now a
destroyer of rival power. As for the balance of power
that presupposed the right to negotiated surrender,
that was now historical.
At least this is honest. War at last exposes its
real intent which is solely destruction. This second
world war, far from saving the Jewish civilisation in
Europe or even wishing to or designing to at any
point, was the instrument of its destruction. For six
long years Judah's chief persecutor was allowed to
run riot. This we now reverently call the nolocaust.
It wasn't that western leaders didn't care about the
Jews. A friend of Churchill's once said, He's too
fond of Jews. But total war is total, even unto the
heart. The fearful blanket bombing of German cities
had to be sanctioned, after all, by those same
leaders some of whom must surely have had, once, a
German friend or two. Cologne alone lost 600,000
people. As to Dresden the best thing to be said about
it after its bombardment was uttered by the Royal Air
Force commander who organised it. Asked what happened
to Dresden last night? he said Dresden? Dresden
doesn't exist.
This wasn't nolocaust?
A guilty people had to be punished in any vile
manner possible, burned to death in their own homes
if necessary. That was the nature of total war and
unconditional surrender. The Casablanca conference in
1943 simply put it down in writing-all or nothing.
And that 'all' was meant. Just as the Jews were


vilified as less than human within Germany SO were
the Germans without. It is no good talking about the
nazi state being 'totalitarian' (a favourite word of
the war years), every society mobilised for war is
precisely that. The emphasis now is on the
development of weapons to any degree of lethality.
You have given yourself permission to treat the
victims as human refuse. Suddenly men, women and
children, the passive spectators of whatever their
leaders decide (as we certainly were too), could be
wiped off the earth in the most horrifying
circumstances.
That it should lead, this total war, to avid
research into atomic fission was simply logical in
the coldest sense. In the fifteen century it was felt
to be a soldier's victory-right to pillage and rape
and kill at will. The 'enemy' people no longer shared
the right to live and breathe, and total war simply
took that to the point of their extinction by any
frightful means whatever.
But total war contained a sub-clause to this
treatment of fellow humans. It was inherent in the
idea of 'unconditional' surrender. Total war removes
the right even to have a country, even to feel that
you belong to it and are independent of other peoples
in other countries. And ultimately this total war
that emanates from government slips out of the hands
of government for the good reason that government
gets weaker and weaker and the private or (what
governments hopefully call) illicit' manufacture of
every kind of lethal weapon. that is now used not by


country against country, because this arrangement is
in process of breaking down, but within each country
so that governments, armed to the teeth as they must
be for the employment at any time of total war, must
now wage war against people in our midst who have no
need to 'declare' war or go through any of its
elaborate choreography. Do we not recognise ourselves
now?
And it is no good me saying that all this was
above our heads in that year fatal year of 1941, when
all chance of a carefully worded, even cunning, peace
was thrown away not by Hitler, who yearned for it,
but by the allies, it is no good me saying that we
were unaware of the war having changed its character,
for good and all. We of course didn't use words about
it. History isn't spoken as it goes along. We simply
went on 'fighting' because we were fighting. Both
sides were permanently exhausted, permanently out of
sorts with what was going on, permanently feeling
nothing about all the old-fashioned things the media
went on burbling about. You listened to J.B.Priestley
on the radio addressing 'Mr. Schucklegruber', a
supposed family name of Hitler's, you listened to his
discussion of war aims, his voice was homely, the
northern accent gave you a feeling we all belong
together, but it was just self-indulgence, as the
communists' 'we are witnessing the collapse of
capitalism' was.
War aims were simply a clever gimmick. Hitler
started them up as soon as he heard about ours. You
suddenly were fighting an old-fashioned war, long


precedent to the 1914-18 war, and it was all about
how bad things were before and now you were going to
right them. That is, you spent six years battering
the life out of each other in order to make the world
nice. But the fact is that war, and especially total
war, never gets cleared up, it proliferates by
osmosis. The first total war from 1941-45 was
followed by more than fifty years of constant war or
threats of war-threats local and global. And we see
no let-up at this time. The lethal-weapons industry
is a major breadwinner, a top investment-market
feature.
What hope did C. and I have together since the
very idea of a human bond became, somehow, you
couldn't put your finger on it, dissolved? As I sat
in that pianist's studio in an increasing silence and
solitude I knew, of course I did, that the chance of
a bond as a soldier was confined to brothels. C. was
in apparently in a luckier situation, she would go on
being a student and meeting people but cupid's bow
gets tired. The atmosphere of a war-isolated country
becomes embittered by the lack of any chance on the
part of the civilian to be war-like. He or she might
be manning an ach-ach gun but it was purely
defensive. My mother and father simply sat the war
out, their windows smashed in, their street
constantly shaken by massive nearby explosions,
always scuttling to the reinforced cellar, eating not
too much or well, believing more and more that the
law of probabilities was against them. It was far
preferable to be conjured on to a ship, escorted past


Gibralta, let down on to the ravishing golden yellow
shores of Phillippeville in North Africa as I was,
and I knew it. Within the confines of battle I still
had the freedom of my limbs. We had to be rested,
after battle exhaustion. We ate well.
And sitting in that silence couldn't go on for
ever. C. and I had said goodbye at a railway station.
She was off back to the north. We didn't say it was
the last good bye but we knew it was. Friends no
longer came to the studio. And at last the
mobilisation papers came. Not as a relief that
something was going to happen at last but because my
past was dead and these papers at least would move
me-passive and numb to the point of stupor-into a
future without roots.
But you can't lose your past. I learned this at
the training camp in Yorkshire where I was sent.
Every week we used to have a kind of discussion
morning. The idea was to revive your mind after
daily drilling and rifle cleaning and lectures on
weaponry had all but knocked it out. Different
subjects were chosen and cadets jumped to their feet
and put their points of view. They were meant to do
it freely but not one free statement emerged because
we weren't free. Then one day the subject of Religion
was chosen. I had So far sat through these bogus
dialectical ordeals without word or movement,
thinking almost certainly of C. But all of a sudden
one of the cadets got up and said something that
seemed to me So outrageous that I had leapt to my
feet without knowing it. I can't remember what I


said. It was long after my atheist phase when I was
still a choir boy which got me temporarily removed
from my position as head choir boy. All I know is
that the words poured out of me and everyone sat very
still. And afterwards I got a message from Major
Worsley, one of the most serenely composed men I ever
met. He wished to see me in his office. When I got
there and had saluted with that awful smack of the
right heel on the floor he told me to take a seat.
And he confessed quietly, studying me with his eyes,
that he had been on the point of sending me away-as
hopeless officer material. But just now I had shown
him that I was hiding a very different personality
behind the chosen moronic one. And for that reason he
was going to retain me. On condition that I promised
in future to bring the whole of me to the parades,
lectures and manoeuvres, instead of the other chap.
So my intelligence saved me-to kill or be killed
as an officer. And it was to happen again and again
when it started. The past came to save me, make me
ever better material for the killing or being killed.
Even C. in her silence helped.


SNcranD THEIR bacsL LAAD
PERSONAL PROFILE
DRAFT ONE
Maurice Rowdon was born one of three boys in Wandsworth, London, of
The
William Rowdon a docker's cierk and Gladys Brooke, both of Battersea. Wé
Kolu
three boys managed between MS to cover literary, theatrical (production,
management, writing), diplomatic, documentary film and therapeutic careers
ATair
without apparent effort. Mmother Gladys Brooke was sent out to work at the
age of 12 and looked after a family of two teachers and three children, for which
she received two shillings and sixpence a week, which is surprising considering
that she was related to Rupert Brooke.
On the evidence of the circumstances--- --that we frequently had little to eat
and were threatened in the bad times with eviction---it shouldn't have happened,
especially as the Wandsworth of that epoch/before World War Twowas a ghetto
in ahioglur
as farfrom the West End as Liverpool from Versailles.
My eldest brother John was a fringe member of the Bloomsbury group in his
teens, and-my-middle-brotherLestie,whe-later-managedthe-PeterCeates-theatre
company,toek-metetheOld-Vie
Mauriee-wes-pushedinto.the.theatriealendHiterarywortd-by/dhnwhoin-
histeens-became.af fringe-member-efthe-BloomsburyGroup. His first novel at
the age of seventeen was scorned by Virginia Woolf ('you describe your novel as
an experiment. Iconsider the experiment to have failed). Mauriee,tenyears-his
joniar,began.wsisingshortpieeseend-plays-endetthe-age-ofi3phonedGoarge
BewrnardShawITotatt-aboutthem. Shaw said I think my plays are much better
Ae ouliined of
mograpah n Duncar Gruk unead,
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thousand shrieks, the crashing of boulders down the stair-well. They presented
themselves to me as a new aspect of death, threatening worse terrors than what I'd
already tasted.
The steps were in fact soft, as I well knew they must be because the corridor
was carpeted, and they had a regularity which seemed to me remorseless, making
a thump quite unlike human steps. Istrained to listen, my heart beating SO
quickly and powerfully in my chest that all chance of careful listening was marred.
The steps drew nearer to my door. They stopped. They moved away again,
always soft. Iheard them on the staircase. This time they were running---but
what an awful demonic haste- -a mockery of human running!
There came a booming sound deep in the basement. Ireally thought I
would go mad in that moment because a giddiness seized me that wasn't physical
but a state of mind. Iwas horrified to see, in the sitting room, a glaring orange-
yellow light that penetrated the closed curtains from outside and sent what to me
was a foul glow through the foom, making the furniture stand out ghoulishly, like
the accessories of a mortuary. Istood staring at that blanket of nauseating light.
I guessed that a fire had started again and that nearby streets were burning but a
moment's thought told me that in the lack of the fierce crackling noises of a big
conflagration this was impossible. Pockets of gas, plastic containers, warehouse
material would have made a gigantic collective din. Also the light was flat,
unmoving on the window. Icouldn'tsummon the courage to go to the window and
pull the curtains aside.


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Jeti
known than yours, SO why-den'twe talk about mine instead?'. Which they did for
twenty minutes, the subject PYGMALION. When Maurice described Doolittle as
a 'bourgeois' (meaning his soul) Shaw shouted PSHA W! He wasa dustman!". He
war ih a k hus A M re Thed
h dae lhe Lt toplag.
Heatso-predictedthat! Maurice-would.beamorefamous-playwright.than.he.on.the
grounds-thathe-hadsttartedthatmueh-earlier
wbwetent-tet 2 PoE TRY
Manie R.
Tambimuttu the editor/urged himto run away from school since-he-hatedit
bafure >uMp
and-Maurice replied that in effect he had done that long ego by switching off. He
later befriended John Lehmann, editor of PENGUIN NEW WRITING, whom he
found conventional in all but sexual tastes. These drove him away! from
L. abualu
Lehmann,wrhol/hen he invited him to lunch would stand at the top of the stairs
behind a wooden child's gate and say 'Gate toll a kiss!', which turned Maurice's
stomach. Therewasahousekeeperinthebaasementand-Lehmana-would.bellow
dewn-hispatrician-orders-He-usedtto-sendplates-back.atthe WhiteTowerin
Chartotte-StreStreetforbeing-dirty-.and.would-geta-scowl.-
Lehmann never invited him to his literary does, which led Maurice to
believe that he regarded him as trade, not genius.
M R
Just before he wentap to Oxford for his first term be fell in love with Karolina
halber Hel leala 2
Polanyi, who-was the daughter of Ilona, a Polish ladywholled the communist
Cilt
revolution in Hungary in 1922 and had steel-grey eyes and a quiet voice andtalked
Colue lak
to Maurice about the Komintern and the day when communism would berealised
even in: theeountrymostsupinetyresistanttoit, Britain. Hona piloted freight
planes between England and Canada in World War Two and settled in Canada


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MAHL LER.


heank Bua .
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rcowr
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Rome
AND AISCHER VERLAG
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cniil hand. Lae ca ( kusu
tu taust qo kui
culg ca ford was 2 guty
krh dustayd.
2 -l-g2al tru Ara :v
Iok. men, C- hidde busdn luskrd
buculd yo ty
than tor And tre lu A blam a evacinCe Ite kup
and Ite Jouem
I Cau uada ( te wrel 2 C accenlue
vuan
humasls, t. nd nnelue. 2 te brmon
mld han l Le loubad Is 7 a tiaru
4 Amai c
doftces
- mrc cisni
louhig dy (Auarica lomlip
oalps teare 5 allied tospd, Ce Lah 2 t pewi
degnes ) etstr dutachmae).
Jamen who Sa Low
dimn al Leins Cu
eu *
a toles dertucliué, EK + L a a tetts t
eutry a 7 te simuh 2 coparepeh taripsFast toas
sre) (- >i-t8 daer'e ump k ade Srole cihei DDresterm)i
le anse Dt prople L ntu place ae heup Du Yaae l


R.- hisslsv
nlau
Jas veu 2
# 1 hot a l do uth
ttu Ku
des
hgrie
destoy planunl
Cnce ived H destioy
t C
Let poitl
be Ciel - t ins,
Le pplarip 2 te Snnc
a c
pplxis L Laitle
L Ca d
tul devter, n
a k kasu TLL Le x (
derjucd L nu
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Apn all. te Lul
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loude thar ay Atun
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kence l soc,
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the zl
Ospmglenis ce
tealy tar thr
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leyic / t
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ceng,
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Bulza
Geman Iiot read
stil Fiiled
CLA
futiley
dartioly
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tre
wet k Rouo Lith lite ha T tta
tare
cazeute
t Caret
frmip
uy prelut
a culp
Toducof
Shice
borTer I uel
peni


hek.
9 talliz C Yay K Anpei
Yuk, Jice L ita . Le
llyogin
dag uooc
cl-t
ue de
hee tueut
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+ olwelt.
Gtende,
unleed
d 5 L stollad t. ttue
stela L
clu
L Szluck, a stuce dor ou
he ( 3 heidl
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tri
Suo
A -o M Tuless cratuT,
th 6 et st
llesi
lup,
lur
tosh
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fecel
sage.
dli Clinin
seeley
at Lo .
su a unukad
ha apt paitis (uo
ng -
- e+ - lu L
lce
style) tlL Lid tte well sohur
Sue uad
An Iine Ite
atteng Aenleds,
it . teck ths nuo e
heu Calen
Race dai haep: Ae let T-ld C
lnhad
sty
t a
lists
ki R 2 Hayp
tu sv, A
zah
dar
PPon Vicki
U rpe turi ce 3 Kunia oldin
Stl h : Yl2
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ens. Su t tu
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stayel
the is ture
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e uai Tc
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Lraslp, L
fue lel
loue Cla
G a
tue ua hok F 1 pedeclaris e
rinh
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Boti
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liuge
Silal
ttre
ru alc cl s2o
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etle Lle, t - penised Neck,
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k lenve * tt kusfuntedar
le celo
tran
tand lach 9 touatf
cluy
enu cll
fenciut tea e Tupl, en slece
tuce,
livre
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hrel Lon JL
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coLldl
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Vichi s6 leno K
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tert
tro
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tre unolak La hansd Rn
juprinro
Cc Uss
4 L
8 buallad L gnainy
gnu,
a e
calel
dllerl
nuo Daid


7-t thue
doe,coy pluce saueu ( lihed
Italo
me - C
lul. lomera C cale tac jutt Lh tta st al
cit
dinda Lis - 1 Ls I Beli k H a -
louldi AA hu unsey
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ul stoe
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n' k
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dirdt STUCI C
ley
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A S
adrcl ath C
Snce Sx
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teel A tel LH tl.
I w Le - udicilel.
Buniis Itre und
cne d tre
Alla
tue Lale
Bosck Brel' it
Saue Kill
duto, Y K the len Toenail!
And Sur cliace do I
uiie lt te 2
heur 2 teelin
werl h
Bani
aac Bar Brecee
so lac uce tell k be
Tustack rhuc
1 didie juib deab,
l L
Arhiete
negitord tn C gmul - te stieal
4 prlfn ryro stor
dypire HL tte soiuy ill dined
Sie ul - a unvlee
Jhio hed jiu tru ue G uire nilt
he, tout
haplases.
/ >uk relin t ht C ttre ale
ewc caard tret alan L the survellaco- megua
elaipan 3 heviyy C loud me clak D.H. Lar
Ce Ite
dida udialus mine 2 C la shorts
vazeip
viheig! vitef! / cud aluly deyy kThe tlle - he
did
util he tinslp
Uue hawuc
Slumped I2ilen.
K had h do SH
vitlif Lo ny
arel U
disrovesed, rnel I bersisnd belid Brecle's sress
vetinel ueddle - can lain
Stahelerte
Jrid
L o d 3 L
te hea clue
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Ru rauot


) Gemmni,
Bit'
Jen, Juto,
Co hhie, Tanlei /mue hitter 9
hatnds L. A Ihere pilu 4, aud he Came
implicald
usth the yeas, Ixhn dy tiulp |s Mer. Netnop tto
geue u divided, L fhhs fn nughhe, YTG tr
stete reyis in rlig, / e ah ) t us ou
dimples csuted 5 kin umld was,
datpet 7 A m -
M - outo acowr
tatand L the hl e - ustadt
d-ue
the gremeh 2 1918 -
U E al ce L L -
Numbe 5 te Io 2 t dint,
andly
th w K tte sind, Uth
powr A coc ciole
gain t 4 hs Wal € ard


hel e mlil Fischs. li led k
dayua :. Rour,
d It a ucd
maati li
hiip
Roue
elal ta Tean L tte Via Juta Giulia.
Aluove Ca lc
frénd.
ak Itie Aueuce Acade -
Lil.
aul
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tuo
Dm clirert treud
B Onu h an - li Suljma diau
Jh IeK uanied Clekuvl oray
STagiy i ite Ralfwe Lun 2 te Geaan, 7 to tt
lai hanlel
ripl Ca lCed hnhBech: e Clie
7 A
P ini 2
I 1 - untul I-
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t. triance
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leg
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til kind ) - lu F 'Ite Glil stichs (
Jn shvel 5 tujo
INSER T - - Cilihig tosh ttre plice 2 Itr
may A : nfutur'
'fame
Chriel 7
cn uurd he Cens - ) tte nhlitate 7 uashel
fr >ig. hui hew urd cane crele Sal
A ctux ule
hurts ( - Ttel popene ser).
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Rug ha her he mi
charerl tm b
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K leiy L mifl dimple ta jr ualul,
lec Car
y T Janl Bellis
a Cmn Vidd, TUl Nlanlur hen a seu ard
the anliice -
e aluns vt Lo,
Re le


ttui a rilp c tat all tealior
the full
2 Ite cii
rtie ful
rt. Jun
me clueri u
autm muic mpititi
2 purt
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he Cerar lts han kh golp
hohl
ntuiu
Hhe clufis) I uu T ovda mll he
Itall i ky
antoe.
hu - Lo tie
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Itre
ang
uuil
Ito
creela 2 Itre
ci gel,
Ite hurmr baip.
lucan Itre nunidi 2
hu - rtul
hew
asl -blum
ttre hm Irud
angol
Imr hye clly.
Healir, deep-haly and tarlomls
untta
buil, Lo utui
S hopelmt
Khe aluon erpf 2 cnre, mga C
aalan U pupel, a pmily Itl
huey
haue trq
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the
cuol mfel ugo aud
C h
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docet ruk mdl
LISERT
Mm - nmr ne lmed hh
tre day Jhe puko
wue Hull
hs Led
A n hul Hem 2 dail
niel Ct
uur hm Marlope And He sTreilig Lo 3 Emedys dys
day. And tus
te stny i ug counly - tte ( Ad,
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fny
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dce
fau. Malalg c Con


Lu i cld hu bea Ca nde H Jjun lttte uer al 5 La
aw W uer Lrep i clrpse
- el
Fall
agra l, tu fall : bnhuel 7 a -


Roues Cabnar
I len - Hue ttun L E
ek entafel + Rland AL
Arenian, eyue cislp Zenin e
Rui huplex L
eype A
t the titt nu (-81 cl. ( uoc lcie
etuif driml tu Aflmnd). Pang Le
tt piia
Ytwt : Uinigs h crepy the pleco ng
lfn
repied 5 Butan.
l ructn r Bitai
yehr
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ult relisp lr Aurenie L
Uo Ca wel
3 culie tte Bihn ueu had and Jho ed
Ing, caad suil Lt tus
ac and
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il uh 2 Juice tre Birh, Ut lu
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ujun
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A lou
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teat-castacig Ge datonus
H Lu ac : tor 1 wetig lack, ceen - I Corpuele cilt.
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Rupu
Sre snth rrplicn , l-ve 7 pary cold
wrl 3 Rot ideas,
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liy Tgnes H ls usgitis ttal lughe e Bcar 2
Ix catan
H profle', eye.
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d 2 ane
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takmprey anol perg janiru we ttgye tt 2o 7
trt
l Ce au
l F - Ha lass
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Chiel.
k e Jm, LL H Cuy - k ta USA, gel rpei
Juine
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nuactin,
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wL t Lou
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mas
reue lr fisra Jettis nl Dihe liiuos u )
Dli Atister, 0 d
- ont neddup


Jemkis the c dn cih Ca ujus Caus,
afugo) Lo
alt 'u L Lu uny Marhle !' IL4 wu,
L rene ktte Mlunhu Plun
1 Le eliy balund di,
Iayie i
uu delil L
tul 5 7 belittly - - usle ( Nee
uLr (ng luen tu I dempided ttul Wle, - -
ash
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na Cre
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suan ete).
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lt haudle ue uure
He disihed
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yith ot guere, mont. h face
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len
ty fun e+
avcuge Lerela, 7 domatt lauid Its ptapped fnidiy
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u nE.t -lac,
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Cremas et
teie
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Uls
Shice
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20bd,
tte
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o ho I
frr us lart 7
lla ltin. H courtan - - - /
Roue vadio ( t
sin Irnde I tte Luhonl "TIN Lnico : tr dinuy
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cas - cullmui lihe
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homBace - Myr
at len (zueu uud
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belte Hre Idid
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detachus))
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dramalicop


ru ca WT
S ue
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thi -
h C lugl


fomlen, stil tuih
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lt t - k nad Lt
le Cern L 5 Huefeca 2En t -
Ganz Davine pricind he: pley uh. Lure A
taak, Biti en Auuis,
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adandd
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1 ecn
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al tel
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C V eral, Juice
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hi nu
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Llls
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mado C duc piend . T lun ter uorlk
nem
OMo,
Mannr Juo una C lat 2 hoh n
tre Ane unnd, Can
Jue Is
h race - (
he niins.
he day
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k te
atl
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fin dug
/ pla k Baghed.
wenk CU
- dyr
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Cler Ss - -3
)r Doa hllue +
dgr Lo
sraah, Lh.
Cine leamel STierl Arlis t tt
lullel P
Enn - 5
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Arp
Suil I o-! d-ghe ) 4 pi-p!
hue -
doy Nly stud Lac
bla
veil RL
gins' colliay
U Co - a
AlI l Co C An L
Ca C
aly 7 7ue Rape? thck. Irt dus t ciol Ityp
tcn
The D SY
L co torgoia giol Juoz haf
Lu eyelms
- - widdle. Sa put htc vele yk hain


WHY
HITLER
WASN'T
LOOKED
AT ONLY
Heglas.nas GHACCEPTED (i.e. The opposl
oyineget).
The
2 te
flaw
ufolu ghett- a à uart
eils ca phr ed h
studlicl
rentau H
eils uive un
udecre
ryste
rafrned
Hui k
E Hue
Lhes 2 claugiy lack - 3 dira nu
a Lom -
nfac
cleae
he vemak Ltoll t luos
Vidn
Hul. gf Fenal tll Lt pafice, geullalsth al
Keld sonal - truig
C huic ils k an
atramlui
degree Aed HaL LLOe
afhuighalt. pofc. whs
u ble h lerzs
ta cal 2 l cl € ghn becar Le CA
terd
cn ndiela )
- 2 dayi.
humy C
Hl Lolc Le
- H CC en l
Astu
hv in
Hal ha e
lohe
/ tul
le wufide
thberd -
aon
tuc
La hefil C lncn : -
disla
lui
eun
lnevl Can Hsz A a / Hul rtia
boele E
3 LA
Itu n li - -
7 t la
- moles tac
l do
plus th. felur, aul J wen C (
ty e ueun sxmned C ol (s vave
t YLC
Augu 1
à - a 5 8h S lel le aladuca ru
+ Am
) enetil t
E we
scadiy
hsh kn Cae
t. Crs A
ass Ftap
pehjn
tou clon
hafd kle
Ni Co Mei Kaupf
dane
dizlon hedilort tme -ith L d tui ne 7
b Lol un lk tu
lutlegire,
- aal, end L
18h 3 - aatul t
k e L Lt
ulls.
Heun 1 asen
Ren
luas -Tiu
ffenig
Telr
Le L & - hif
lean 2 alu the
810 levrs,
Is ire
di tuad Je otle ca de th Li 7
Phea
C t hi Jue Are Lawld ractu
poi
- e boati coulus, But Dcus d daatt Tai
profes' - viit
- Timale, uot l: le tt
lat
a Icu
Opsaa l (c
Ycc
tae


epyrep
Hie -Daglas lc -f Gemey L6
Eca
Sviel Uuin
cLL - - lcUr k. mylo
lanne L -
hotmi
bojpc L - - A
olin dan in the thr iwealt calg lo
la alamis Lynt uphoighetts
ipmguté - 5j).
Lis tue
atl
kay 2 Usin tre
S I 6,
a a
P C
APP c t. t
Lan stille A
ef 2C
KME
telen Code
tsile
Zek lo uo loecke
Sth Hlt sinep. Xo
anlad, u .Cp D. -
k detas al tha
llci 2oun
- ou
uu? 2
Z Denn Suati
Sulyg
apulet hubyganls xt dv
3 - laked
apart
Htul - - a ls bo tare'


auglud Le Engla
NB he
Jirtapmla
SIN S Ans 3 7 TER
6scHee. Tue - ee calrau 2inice ann',
Tie
eightih
srom
ustda
t Gneey.
Tus 9 Su rnne au ttre
agumat lylad
Reylad
how u toel E ttre Mashall Plai anld.
Muiva a hote, Jun Berad Runcu
i firl
7 nouey, Uhice I decliie it
IL 4 odd la
lugh.
intexv - - Lae udertan
hou
cnll uix ttua tan, CA,
P uar n
L beiy mugee,' di.
dihis penatiel Tas lacd
E Itu
the
tyu 2 Uhi Hu L aju LRO + hi eneen f
lu dmyuls, Au
ee holre 2 an Une cX cuale
gint
A7 beiy Lr6l- e
nwh/m H li hwk, nice raw Cany
x cugmui, te
Aa Lues Aue La 2 CL 7 yu
lu tur anld rhe ( lhol
LeL
ves lanie c ckmi CO mi
I lu & ac
A we
tu lun
ump k Ituk
tt te
brit.
B L 3 3 u, a taille celauif, tul Hue Jeuin
and
pseuts
carefilg
elve
holocaurt,
Aue
i - detom mac nol K
Lal
5ola
Reur He >m
rhi
slr Lad faced.
tod
ugai.
Pesple
Lo Lese et cl 2
a akg su
2u Fiscle + hi hreret
poitan - Gerag, lo Lewe el -l/2 SL wey ha foue
tengro A LOFE
M anu', Juavi, STal he Leuse ie -
( e - uiy
a Nayi STL? Rue fraliy a - tu Lw2 -
R Hhe
hegriny 9 wo tul urju hok
Wond We
oga, lunl Cld be - Jeue 2
a VG
rust
us vanis tal uuld waliingp destilula Ls t
finu wa A L4, cil len, te huma bre up


Fruplend hi Llfel
End
If Rmenl had cvhad un Jut wwz Kocld
le ullad
unld kn said 20 Grare
prmipiad, heiy tue dantt 2 3 is,
eli
claes
Fualtes
lgala
C te
crli te cunlela
civilgar,
meuTE
fin Ce ttue lark 7 2 the Rouas eufvr


Eylad Itai Rlud
Di tu Uas p7
wlt te muitlala.
77 fuaiv ttthe nlal rinlai
avoluy uuuil I htt, 2y rai
lne i lli unl hn purittel uce
(8 IN Lo be carn lonuel L
LQL
C lushe ul umiy
6 Iretr
ttie otr hole 2 Itie rieal )
puns
14 da
huour ftin sufm lan


heland fa Rflau
asauon ble
The argunee 5 tue Hae -Ulu glett
dai ng hane ce Foctai 2 witiie uot
A ent wAr ec anoltu Juice rppmed
ltt 2 ulotare tok
Ie fo
apert
2 tre deind tdc
The Riip aud the Asim aud C Jholi hort )
Pr puple dili han Hre adrulye
Ite adviie ) >raosing dPS gean Leice
A l put her 4 Ik Janis silp
Coruu Irach, : Ip mhp daw Ite C 4 a
onld devss hol K Ganag Ue Bulas
and Maop, y Hy, Ibre dak SL hard
eoy, crilivle e. Aral Ity A we
riu. And tre rtlan nlorng - ump.
Ruru uerr uno neuah hohai hs7t It
Oundl Clureiu rhn ate mi cntaa, and 5


e u ulel bn bea - 5ll. Bnt Leun E
the hech? udnsn nuo had mhfercad
Bit cnd ttai, pp. k wu hal oot
Isclo t the daplue, Zefo clauera
lack ht af hh - ) /
dcl 2 Iuopes Llu Bde aphmny ary le 5
hejoles, cL an
ftrl a
- unie
lice
uijrv
TOLAOA
hmlle
clo
al sypmati cund Y tails. Zes
wulecan H Jfes
tres
Z ln to
ttro law
inayo
mu yu.
Fy prkat,
Lfne Cliureil aeueed t ltee haid
deny tta
rad
stad ber arade befry


Refhad, n
Ripal
LITMANTEN
the neunl-h ly
huri -ly tue puanul LE ftae hen zt
bene mantr
Ume -
mg si -
cantl uaee guale -lam Iton
(LH I
del,
OLe hml tus anntl a ter 2
Ous
lanjo uer rlier
A villy Irhcd
atiel L viliyn
ls sarrle
muiitee tay.
L te
unn tlle, talal diiide
e fur Ca U6
Jo uets ttn Cl Le ttc l C
te divanitss stfeig 27he
Lunce
Llmn Cuw rtl had
ne clre
te enls D
(- cl (te ued


Poglad,
Cglan
ROYALTY
0 The
allicalas : lhe Ler ) tte
the
maltuif-
ghatt..
Rue 3 a
Irbe C diru lik
uth ta
toer
uoiane, Jho wu tact hol /s be
Elznvu i
clane 5
ca gaattoe, ll hi
peoplo, and I hehnnt hi pprofics baltir, in
tre lng tan cu
L basic
stus, esjucio
ta ay jairis H he specinl
I v an ( y
taave, could.
plly
me C
Hal Ca Lo uare d who
ciA hi
ge 2
peoplenill ifrge
cestau
muel hi nech: ho pris La
typ pleak ill be thin h dansuc
kis.
Su tyu Idougly' (pm. Gery) hut
Blunal wb Lea a Lo und as han. ILud
howher .cupd, the uemy umatic a uuc luk
Pdlund wugil buit aluzu + ttra -lher
Uhiil foud i
fuy ppvaig get
reapec
Joan andl go + duim H Solueme : to
enre': tohnt t
st4ps
disryn urdd
Phels
kat: tpri the -plu ghats kam a
h ugmy


luser
Cailatood
Ore 2 the wone racitis sourd, eatt tta das wo tte
e pialine
tau Fall
ol the
- ca 2 tre lerts
lette the L u zen n - -
dall
nity -
srognired, wol the aulyie t sitj uon aly ks
auol lul ntun, pleco,, U plau K
C LL hoe do rtan
5 - Lea, L
R uol CX aluet, holie,, uynuer C ll lmes,
lue
al 1.8 l
4 Ln
tue
A lov umd
eth belwe
siganlic
lock
1ogn27e
we ou hcu Sago U L
uintalp
wrnply
past,
lhe (meset,
ln ench 7
deepe it w saniy.
apres eprl
I Arik Itre tine port wo at
Itee progrune
dex u the uomip citui ttre rat -ll
tar) bdtir tIEE boo becrt amottue
as eijfe
do aud ( Hewd hom;
C Are -glasoon ture we Gate S 4.00 lock
pat pot tollarads A 6.0odclock me,
Lel Cls Cenmua Thre
- rxha (pot
Ibryhor Ite useriy


Frinliy-
Cafur + tte duuls
s lou
bastal Itre Muble S - n
dil the clon usl - Cl
- nulng - -
81 ls Ae Ce 1 liiny cid Cute Is
the (
be Cernk thu U hn lc
- enn 2 S e dels cenau, lle ym
ouv ael Auile I snqu, uale tls
neln 2 la lug nun
wlil viu
vie hau urll hee caleie can Innc
1 dtl.toht. n coluie Rreusrduc
kid,y J behara all viru
hun
l uce
tossn T
lvitins
hin Irbry uedi
mliai wwe tt.
- hes CTe tae dilty Lo at callul
poche!
sercla - ch, Al
crfren
mal aik C C c
3 Cenu
Iae Imme Inn ) Ihe nga lele Lld
Fmistig luc. kuoin HiL p 4 frie Hha - ymy
c hmediate surival fleguill do ayrj 5 - enL M
3 ttu
doun He Ri frera h
A Jloatis
uuduas a leia pus


filoe
aullyy squd -6 - 2
hand,
It un
hou Wre lueis
ltu 198L
Djuv hun A
n tir
go ttre C
te pultin
7 tre alan
Jn cke culedl
anal rle
pne frai ceu (
lzue - 2
awnn


PEACE VEGOTIATIONS
Parce ugilu
u the a (E the
P luine
han ld tte Genau
Thin 2 Clahn lut An Shual tru Ley
Itnr lfune Ih w Hey
Lav k
Greile 2 Intr C lala
Ite srd
hantu, ugax, hunien a
oatr covrn + ijunu cund staficdit
No cae ttapilu k ulalcl Lr laTta'
uud
ldi
leil
hurd
Its
berdeine plyniup.
Lm d mbd khil Hy ixtaentiy lart
9 un Al D clull, Muly Yy gin,
hi vegilu anr
aud Ite hi, att
mlduer A Itu
Jes
Hi ul CHsD he cndided
No ONE
Lnne C
aivenu
Fula I H he Lol
ben llhed ls lulc
AuL U i hi
smil
- - ulcl aIr
yur ttre J cunn uk, Kintai D Ttal snc
IUL IC
hinlte U lm
C blanel
bonpl A
Te lyin
+ Llar T Bla
Tle
fan cico
ite
ip hudl
Isdey > pairei
a R,
Mu L ued a
Mtai


an/xcallel pponat
Secrel tlk nf ak
the
hijden lerl.
dplastté
i full mpalis
Rues plol 2 S Nevile Heudesn Plhue)
uth Aste al
Lephi I
tyg ase beip Tanslac
3 IhH pen nal
repn t Paul orto Felniidt. Xa
Henolasn ek Sceuiide
3 re
Att 3 C Ule
2uht
le wu
cuunol he wa
ale,
Hendern
Ihe l-tte pulm h rlu Gemno
1 mettalzi -
heuidl said
L > L
un t
aflmes


Per
Neglaia
hsesonch
Sala becnloit Age Kergy
ysn. caipn Stall
i dafenor I
TAmy
hue
ae puica leh + Hue Ate all /
Goerit d artace
M Li Clas Sundin Fuisund
Alte
BIRGER DAHLERUS, dio - evtelliv vlial Luve Ca
Jo belues
lalarer ttie Bnhi Jouenma aand Goens!
He kuen
Claubilai, Hefex, Cadogan, lhraco Cilm cad tilla ith
ther al ak tue lask homal - 2 Ito Pai cnii miie
prodiced the ehudan
Aendesns wu ug reud the pupme (t Plas)e
Revelunl
i Gem an
He unldie trire acopy
Ls bee wdvedg tte Fubre uol ls do Lo. (ug Goerip
Champ the Svedki ulo peetevizd tri babsvins) EN a coly,
Unice Hue Swede phoued k Loudr. Alte uraslo thawprane,
paly af + the bemam
le Itp unld arubre Nal tleck
1 Ire Pse,
Ctup uave hiphly reemelle) had henfealt
leiche
Ibre Dole, ho tuve Is Gade ha. VON HASELL
Vetsackes wye - ottes couesu aucékugt
Ite Gema Grusir Phie
/ -Mecnch Henolsn C e Ls (E
Aenalur a8 I3l
Ie Poler I an ms Ite ppocl.
hold
bren
uok tlec
Le Ahi Ribberg had used oi mpeey.
- Kuice
68 usu seceired Ca. oh nite popna, Swede. H.
have hee
hacl
umfilece H Goenipy ttre
low
doee
r ls
Peky-ee
aneeol
nouttie
jun
Slor ta docamat Riblukip
de Hanau cu Imprredd Is
-t Le
erlwed Weifsiche ho E heu ajhs Arte Kdo
aduuce,
Anlaagadil Hendon)- * 1 reluggau flmate
tte colvace
Polasd. Wer
Meanellle Alt prrdesed
iclokiyhce tre lear
Amiral
lei nl
- daid
7 CANARIS heasd aet
- te eud 2 Gemarg.
ht mrut Hunr L C len - niiute uuaaciy
betwes THEO KORDT(ah CUert auls derg) Lowsd


a te Couma tnit 27ce tt aud Ax Vansiltast i Conwall
Cades, secrelg.
Korde hed heer frive prol uda Stuc
ovdu ttu 16 evu khe Chousn
Clms
kodl alis
fed He rmelle.
Atte AE ce L - xa lx /s hee
Itce becanre Le didie uean den CL hete tha a elud
khe nrd agt hit ettech a erdac i 200 Manens
Nett Koril un V. u C a Te ttal GtE Aat
alrad lau ched hi attech.
A L lipadiene 2 AHeS
prelanati khe ans
k ttil
Seflcl Lm
PUBLIC LASS LTUDE! Csanen leglast)
B Willai SHIRER
America
He I
macttelf
Com ymlek Su -
ho me lentenl ktite >
adden
ktte Reicknse Shie uu puls ut m loudpelos.
Prenving,s 1938, E
Munice, Hitkur
mpuives(ni fae taie he cu Aee Is Lvade Cgecls Rovekin)
a hoegauds larel par ttre Clancalls An tte lelosay
Shie Le ild tche the >alula, Tue uule allo wok
the Snkh Rulang Belios ltapu tie hoyy wve
U It WD Is Iie Cyue trout and grenlce ie n'tt
Ic4 anlace. Shinr callad : 'Hee uesre otnkiie
duaanli aguin wr lve cee Lean!
Dury Muis HHe surmdad SA4 wrel 2prople
cegui L
The aifonatrc sener - the any suligiir
Run
Clianbelai h and fast lk caaulslais
urging
bol Lowo 3 J kbe
iden
Itre Atea no tul hlte
ercnny
2 heu
L ida 2 'atpesen
Aurech
Kordt
te lalinal
fra
ablusldwny
tal 4H cale be
daurerd Low, ace holrly :
Gemas wunrdd a v
Ael
Aepugottity


Atqirne paginoidy chanlelas
swe Hac
flews
Htta,
80t 6 plaue unlel cmk und attue Is ) - cnct
Uhie
Lic
Jutnyy,
did,
unnwhat thue a also teau ud
e, lel
(atrwet mppny. Arefx cula trd Kodt Hee D
l6 Codie hee ale Khe trak tdi thaguviou weh belae
t duj
clnady urde dirunsi
( tho 13 th sephele
(lflwn 154) ke uvote ktte kip tul C hi vinL t Iohould
hop L
hs ttuc Le had a ypullad Syotuint 2
nimp li
2L un the
L aice
Muice!
bom
mitir!
Lu Lu Je nczeaded dog! Ze Lc tee ppimic
1 -haseual Leefe lé khe idoe Hul ltlte co cnaidund
te ild urguttoielp al-porpe dictets hacn lt wsdlo
al kbe t wr pupoes,
Lo Cu wosh euoy ls be
ttre
gratefre d Joue cnngual + a higt gusfo, balp
Bnti epire, hcsa ho appene ual
tre
h Ite Munie delake
hod
Brtch Cacil lendliy tyur N Aee cnsewattn
fonue
UntSE
gnrment Line) Jho had antace + te Geae Amie
Preid Maclle
Hane' lar Calvin S tue News Clmniede
Ile
i1 te
bon
hotr Seenty
ves ealy doy2 Angune
Lk khbe aclio
2 Nue Sole Gemn plan, Juie woked
das. He lusn,tos whr ALe =laut: Cabe hn, Ulyy
dcl wc ust lahe n emrer /
S Lanel,? (Hour
Lont). he Lloge beliure L
to eurtr
acn u LO uene slmps, uok G a Ct. 0 32 C
sppot A uieak Lio
Jews bec Lou ad
Dews, RLl au
l ) l Hepgper ataye e-e LA Grmes atie tae lun Caso Wral 4
hegn uo
he Lan
1e felt Ite HtE unld cale doun
ace LE towe wr
cie
2 age L u the La lne
enadel Y upti, pu E Lb Astels B
kinep Ael


bewan hot nf a velialle ka enetiep ec ltc he diclie Lhand
s pt he Juninel profpu Ll prectie 3u6 wazue che l
Ra, uree auo
the 'pyhoik-CbLM Ty en de Lih-
plces) kerer Hee khefbe.
4e ion enailed 5 doolei,
f nR hi d 7 ccl ne
J hore Lees
clico
5 Caary - S the Brhh Capo
vortit
sutr -
e autinif vetid
C sualegmb D ueu
uho I sulled
to dinl doion,
aid ula ixcluded alien voia, lcha Vasiltasifer he lyp
He Jolue Ca apbra semel'
Aenaliin Lnole puintp Kui cliiepet Iteo Soris 7pis,
Arljax : 'lar cnstatf reuiindis regsep D Ite Epoar
1 hot gattes wrng ttre plisgdolegy m tes; Tiaueo m(Hit).
1 do on N miju he pmille Is fet at a nte Tualices,
Camrne, Besvenh Prenele 1 unita uh lIta C tho
afufte Dpucm Cave Hle A kecd Csediel
Jus 3
To len
a his.
heaho e
aaincho
poten
word
frat
Late alux Li, erl aduides
L elusiy de
Sie 2 a clance tbaif e2
Umy!
torve
fant
K kill lue
Nuice wm be clerini
CARLGOEDRLEK
yfoontes kntt L Guas
tree
(enrs
highev
(srecufs folurg 1445) U A ven civilio heno 2 Itre
sti-tte
aflacyt afod-bde
Ihtt did Ldssol
cer.
pant
Munie Tesuclrad Itza
all ue lle
- Gemargi > tuntin
euhace li prrzr
wahs ttre krs paiat
umd !
Hor - A a wa Jho cd
Goedeli lprca (c
ttre Sitn efive ekhi Ttal gr tto nccon )
lud)
handad
Bde lrlen Sv teg enpmh
ta babalo o 'Gearbio
threre
is aredal lanial
Aunice
gaug


Ita temilie Llhenir ah Lo btleady al 2


Hole Muisva, Sertu
The Fische
Rumus Le ife.
Sechon
I dinoveed low stimnprly uovip, I 274
AA ettl L uf
disc congires, the death 2 CL
Pnhalythe B
Spleclle and euren ukusrip (- h
thl e
tte
lE 2
pmikilifs ) ay
altitade -
Jo luti I- haue L al cne Ouatis, al the cdgoy uy tanig
plous Call, Lovanie U aRy C
L smn, C ttuo clge 2 COE
nal rnh, util
I placad
ttre call, A C siuplo
pleyss leis Fact 2 llr
Ng bevl Jea LLuc ho, C Il ly puid? a >1 Se cales
M Id
1 urimilou, l- Loa a -
A lier
Ite coul su Heulek ad f al - - - leuos
a Olr
- el L eul thore Jasr à
peL ane tres
n Uhue Iture I did dadie < arai al c clual
Couly
fened, becair hottiyy wc de stctl
Lg tala
hrade nviin
onveyrd Itg
taug
. C La asatoi Ague.
aad Le idlao
Bul 1 frgot hore hy C tte 6 S ) the to taan,
the My Iso unld hau trote
Uhe A repotd Is he h
satn
Itan saduen C'ag Lc Lea 8 halp 29-1). GH
Aru,
fta
ThL beluigad
at mice loit fulsely
Eplicki
shanld
rchand. And la ury dud
/sace ar ae
Cabe nttadiaun yoi al C
le u Qked ak Fiu maatie,
twtbrep
rimpl
-pits
7te nd popin douna Stuff ogai,
ia Jrltti khi pride
houery
a d'e tea aytii Sx cahl
Lol a 7 caudne,
0 hi will. Iragiu caep A
aper tn
3 will.
duice
- layg
all La Showed, puida
pea
rare,
Tre Jew Hoolulch. Cauie l
ctal penaciiof
Hel atwUp
Ho gid
genttanan
k aide 6 cep tn th psccnla Suphaned.


ltur
foe
cemen Rad. conle
dernny el u.
becare
(recpls - Aue tuu
lewa
elle
nire Ottar
h lcad +
entuic
Le L 2 a Agrcly
prs
He lale Juv yu
jaly ele Ire stai
t had hevr d I Lu
Ita
- tely
srin Ce
-dDEmOCRACY
, pritis
l cr 2 ttuu Llto
I Itr Ay
mgrie a c -
miuiy
to Lyl- rn
Butai',
- 6 ce
ntu
Ku duran .
le Ly As a4 A
dels crecy.
ho snihut
cnlai nlale
Un 3T thel
sacla
aNY Su, ls chh
tlak) Ita
uun So
Ff k p he lta klrn
fynd
L uerla 2 Ita Uucli heyul (rui
teyr hL rhleril). Ze au. Oxliud
tyy uy dene 2e lur, ut'l
5 C Can 3 CT la way sittcey
pr Uhtiu k clatur 7tia lur,
5n leed le cay n lun u.


pntw a
Faplud ltai Aalai -
Ancalm
ving
hue tru Tt
gulne oafnh.
cum lil lla ttre :
thu Ity did tU heri do ulas srindiry eurd
tai Hlene etens Jr ttre hela
gnanuel on dcela, (uldi fitor nlc
My ninelu u to baliiure rtul
cs Mail
gnuue m lane htti
pus can.
felc ttel womidle nyu Itra Gel.
tanad the clreh Unce Lu u Rinqu
alom ls ls vicew rupe C -
- pone
ael doue fa sele.
u dyl ie
d Then hple :
lt aufp mnal
ttiennlu
Le 3 Apual
Ll 5 -
fi unu, the alurau
Anol Ttre
Inu eclualu wane
ule mert : lc
ull, U halie Job Ite cau nm
Nas
AT - a hio Ae 1 ho - J- Juse (o
Ie uu 7
p L
u we
apheed
wade frole,
uu ki
ualil
10 de- deveeg s 2 rte cuns ItL leol (5
ttre - co
clan halnd, Itie
) inio


itnp rgrig
te Le becole
tayo
Ino 0o
I top
Jhio
tide Itranelun aas,
staop nlCe / /
cub cs
Z ce'c
toel lils
Imujr Aun tte
C R
Cuys Serp ha
>) Ntpms 6 ndicies canal p fullii ulih C
79 tre
ufho guelt. aele G
IL C Lur
Jeun bafne YY
I L
I9p clruw'
tenyy
3 Mon -
07 senheg I ttn ttia cnhug eleme
L lavens I
Ue Caua tte
Mi nlon allae' I
Ze ufbe gheltun hubns / caL
d nedd
accal
h kert Te.
It pnitzs.
A myen YtOE
luce uhil
asty
tt tre haul Ca
rcunpep eqmmeal mvp clo
Ie cha um 1 Lo Itl 7 ttie nle 7te
lenls lyus D Ite L LSle pui-
gean cleaprel pluca,
luu
Ttee fhatts


* tha
laprs Je
27a
( C d
Hie
srd
A 7 Vh
factip
korck,
nn e hlace E
- VG
The suos : te
Colehato
dlamnine uo anip
nipir', the 87d codpas
ndiinlow Imlmau shmel ( tre lns ark
and he Caar :
0 C Hhe thn lool lar a - axk
hueslia cauhaiy ): hiy doun the unarly
te Jech
CL (
L (A + tho
2 a
2gle
Huni
len!
Dnd
Jen FAS Jaan,
Ic rebulilil ta
eo shhulp tre nTe
elf
obefirial
lu uarly, sipie alyp
Ie pm couple
Uh te nor (urd Jul a wyud cpakig
Ttre
L o
dala
saudiy i A L : -
vrtun
sul 7
Knnn
2 th mr plu, la P
dayy
uray
L the uad Na tel uo bdy pnge
mprisncoi
urd
we,Come an
fek le !
Royal touili
cnol
kbecorpou 2 nalslp arogart pmofce,
Hel nailtu oue un he hodlave
foud uganeg hopif
ay t
nogou 4e, chice
- a wyal -ta mal
be Itue
sith
pinh m. u
edia wo gul
n8 parpl
ay : 2


SHESGNANLKENT
Brchpnnt Hue War
ENGLANS TAEIR ENGLAKD
Iseu
'spain 7ata' al
fe stwa
The Ja
. L entore ticlai L Hec L didie
dunl
ause
tin
Minggle foig n.
Methici
musher DRe
uryu 4 Bunel
te 6
bre Lorn LO
un ll br Lmu
pers
sur)
(1135) ad Dathei
Chee
alandi his STLla 2 insit istulz (Racip
tre humenni rile beiy i cll acla, ia pyenin,
topens) y Liae yo iy / de tenbiy Hue li l-ls
inglens, Huc hi LLs -
dran dn Uhive ha
wakad up!
Malkicn evicu i ki
aiud all Hec
goir A
Itre mid 1
Valencin
- baes hubas tue
presin day, gain uu
pluco Lo man prople, i chudin
M1.ficin, wmtd t te, doline h resalve ttre polla) uol
Celugiit mere; N ankinpi Clina Leacck tha: ml:
the Geme cacautals camps, ele. And Le, Mathrin, (
cm)mune i Pais uth L Elesendaniejian.
M. luci pul a 1 Ling Iclo Mi
Bru(BRNEr r)
- A kon is hi
eyo, a Saliua, shora L. Luxsp ha,
lost al rex 2 t ttaris 3 : al di heuip real RE ure
Lo m ctuer ayr Khuieep, Bmuuat ( h
cQ acr Ite
Ile wnt,
mldenip -
sTugghip uth tt paée landu
all coutais,
L9 Lai
hou coumuie
had ttais
sth
fell. ls
syapolly
PANIE Jaggliy cla
Lt the Cam wan'i slugsly,
lui
Aypoinr u
L tgiy I de ca little -pmills.
Kurolia
ttal Mo dislic fiid
corplace saduer
ttue stucken Slala. Sue mlde ure - gpai, caeni
tte Gema
An astuai
cahelan caups. Te unshhip


clun Le u
L roerl
Aui t
creetu
aiddle. cun II
lledae
kmi degre t
te sila. -
aolinlooe
unvel
s a
Len) W
grent 2 - a
lse
+ Sue
ttre
ukniy cle w
nola tree huorth un silhu
aee
) iny C Jale
elae C lnav cale LL l.dey h Jeck 7
cas und - L aplrsit - l densflive wwe LL ls diihhn
whiy dun ghalt. culdil f u - uam Ika t
Jerna
could.
Peph
NT1 p baturen
fre
. - 1 dleidan umd tuc hand
k all : tal becoue
difriila 2 tte wnd 'salis
A etoe 5 koene -
tre don 2 the USA Lad lard itzeep 7 Mi heu veslis
- Micl He ng dell vela balwer poplo s caald 5
ho s, hok - dill e
- up 2 Kr, hot Glooel ar
LLitac,
L tre wkip char, uwld had uouhse l
lan d durrival, ere ip iL sshad Ic musnire, Juriee
iL daie
I ak leve didie sppenpt unko suivaf
lako bame
pmilr. IL la u B autmate aet le 1s h
k ainct
ho ues, k fel I
Galte Lour SA C hgge gude,
ayiy
L du l ASTI e telaphors - draupaly
Spoe cloe kt tml dm, h ivot i G vaci drn)
t La hned vadio and frapphows - P wn Ca (lad
Jhice Entet Calua l( kind,
spoiy tip. herger linel
1 t
lun lwa
palan - aun
) Tsrlul veneen.
wmb,
heidolle - dun.
Arol -
sithi all whip clane Is becho
Jew tui
Itah Kanshin ergu aub Ohesvail C Klo wa.
al uce
aud bai the LL - ca
ethal aal -
Uhas k play
tre to I L
< - - Ture spehs blua ta
kusn a,
dul Hane, (arhunral - Jue unlal become
Caup) sne datecla tic sersy lauifmale u a clan
she idolizet uls ne ouus dispisel ka mn.
IL ca,
culhicl the dufeale l l
the cud, and Joread i allart k Eaum Inep


denlpeds ttre astul dodgep Jho dansed
Icd Wad Un luro. 1 the crun Cld Lo Ten L
pickes ufe au ttue tenon rmisdai, dtlla - pielony
Keliired
. Itialt unhan didl, Lk te 1 rectialf U e
alt Ae mele, Lith the beaek thl as D Ion be Lam
fuits Leantenperpe, hrip frnned Marrebe Is Ge A
tui U He Etens - ) tho
Jice
Revetrni,,
pecing
yg ne
eriels Iadg i behaep 7 eili laumoy. le
von el hat. (L L tte torise 5
pli Ingyy
ttre ayuthe
untu Lo a L ail 5 - uar, cu d i
kurolica lmeed it he d AeL esyenyy
didic
Se Joud a ter Acal 2 lungel aed voupiy
ler le ihi eud ? Sue delilinlp fum d
Cack hol
tal had
Uk cl
unei dur unld
disephoirt
belruyel 2
Ju spuese.ld C espenur tn
koi Jer
ua -
At leeve tuii La
pure
Je It
Mece lhuf - the n lo lug loced
LL - L a
al pures
olenre
marshel cnel Caat Hh
-Tallectises, Lo u Mou bul -L
hair slonc y d tueol k loch gNi crand hasel ( Nap
he u repeatiy a fie helsen ha herel: llaha
Le Lo tu
cn ml d
th, ttao raduelin Jith
fuesten
l diolie ho 6 ulie kissp
Srve Li ls nclea
H alul
Sre uir ) 5 uid Is Lc Ie BRUNET sadd t
Methiei -'Y c, L Itre saue, 7 Lrlecliac: uyrkir
I cacliip and coll -finip, Hre que
ae < tuo bail 9
goip 97 ando Tand 7ar
daimiy ttno rgu
mly
slrs
<he Gu LVI ced 1d l - Lly You
Smn elur ulh ury
nldl
Ta - . tt tu prenes!


ile A sholenle liddle - cus
lenan
soring
ith
eguipped
l a( a stozh ua kek.
Cru
depperl LE rspiie
te 5 lEle elae
clan
unddla
prople us
rloih cund
ue nilie A
mo Ca
Iwh, 7 pantu
iS ura
2 t me In Loue
plreny
pur
ulturr tul
Ce a ve -C
unld
ta al
an meutz
blunnga
aulonelen ne
a giinlg betti tha
Lls L all.
a 1
L L
up tee lu automala
nived
par
hadilne
Xa the
ue 2J
hu - iy kmhe u -
- lle
Rau Onsellcis plan
elnle LL
Md nelo)
lelte h. t
fn Crace
Tavrg) ttu
A kal
Ayfhice a k La tr len Jo perdic C blen niyp V
sell i La f I kl ell y'n deas d
Slee all
senvl ludy Iu
kek
Hlians I
Une the plessir peodicls
troiy
Lad LLE
L a Jell ho arnup antimalm
deli i chice unle 2 hauia Jo cias
à toet C wwd
- agttrg un i akwr tul, hice 3 C LO A
5 a
Itne
polce. ) ualive, tuule ttro suuis) Lt coupmene.
tue ttro
I tuh sL nlal be c (x geratn
Lar
touhuiist udentood ualtin tti ton Gever onwell did.
Bue Lorr 2 He okan - 13 rep. a K usad "peaiop -
Hue ult 2 Thas uticla tul ths capilelri wwld uurr,
L l llepens
aii Leulf uld, collepe.
fasun
And ho vt C L
urh L u s
Itui
ugim.
uunoldlo
jredirus vidiy sitth L
apitl
- Le 7 la Lyp uenslllo
clun zocies. lo frev, uaghiiy
clen. A fer cn C unhip
rallechid
cun Le n SL be cahs, Isttu depor,
k ItL Onu osloma had
L c stnuhad Is fri
trieud, S Idd, Uao penoucaal 'uined


hisical 7 i
tisled. 2rwu (
densle fte thl a
kalu A key lu
unlmmiv urd (
dlu s
nly pulles
) J kup
Puénd, S
hiy clun lier L
C. 5 ueldd 4 t6 ben
IAL L
frjre' + HhL Llo) C
ghelt.. X reb - y
gail
he hoyin
d te
L G
ewectf
loo - C hel ls neotilise
Iui: otaply
caryitoiy clan chice
did do little h apovr olur
alil
And tay
ncceeted
little l H Co lhauit cld. Uhe seduerd
U L / Lead- tiae we twea Itre t not anol tuo
Coummit
chice spai Cttee - ve
1 I I srd rach
n idealii eclos) P C 5 nifued -7 Uhice Iu
eerie
hahue, 27h the middle clan canel Ire uluin dan
L poplexed mlokan.
sed
e ueulo fetts tuere
I, Jue
Snr)
Jeuplexed
sold
spai 7-dg' ntaila teloul railay silo
Atlon Iialle
dens propla L anred k lzeroe lsiie I Klad
Spai Jo uuce, I dille to tiam aud wearllice Auuk
up. Bul Lo dial unhin pepls. ho 'imppe I Hec
Wnh Itre Janiss eud e luani u, Jue lelling ik all
LV ttue mle, ht pearalipt Durpe, 3 a tetnil.
Aul
Jek
creerd te unditni boceny + makip
IL un ttun 3 ur HLL ueshhiel umiup don,
widdle dun, aistrenke aund vapa hond lli wguhne,
ard sichad u), a tried, euhitturd uwld Tll Gald
lugn be clled Ciihed be Laste euag wa 2 ila
(xcepk ttul heul soleg n dgsh.4g Sunivel
demoyu.
Lr otil line ml dayot. day Le
A k beltrrf i tui rig n Te cC Opinip k tu:


Auj L Hul
takhi tri 3 Hul Caur i
Cen
clan
hardg
Lt HaL trisme rd
haniy
electa huie, te hati
tu lauub
D Icl alme
ie nfferiy coupmank, A lc
njulg Lend ul, wail 2 bupluie A 5 souan ca C tend
hy a te Lh gma k tyu
Ate poplai guand.
Wald W-7u Ketenal d forl - -
I V
D thac
lettal oltmin EE Juce WL ik clip Cu achu pedad
puin gan, A stanmry
Ite seuse, ) haillen Lo HLC
ly TE ld
Jualp Lelive tue tailly E A La
) metts
TGt OU
h L umd
killy
a A
ttue
drama Tis
becaue
spor
P Kduy
povt L
+ ite dileddei : - lu
ert
Ye cank thue
A oed -a lelle
pot
huphunad L
wwz A Cn
ttul thue serten
Aotth.
rte Co -
L tide,
hury
Smeunal sudbaf jomie
f hcked tue fn srisr - Co
cloze
baureto
heitw!
ofgiliela
disal lc idicinlo
tor tkay Cfa
Ha clioice
Col
LC t
Bur
Jhice
don Rt
- fnc M
SNT
A n L. (- ttua tod 40 ycan n. Lo k ris thoxe pati dour.
D0 3 a
Aey 7
clun
eils Lould wvk.
L a N< in
h m.
Thoae
yl Le a Ue bal Shotue
usyh 7- clos jouru aishs.
uvte L
th Tua aighere -
thre nvk
adopted -
dui stav
tc chag
7 did - ly sayip
selo A aud domshor
kiy iu r
tureni 5
Z 5
alr nce pqulles ) < ) H uwriy l - ar
Au unziy clu u poile h C
hifhs
Stala,
pire KTtu Cala, lre al
T ulw 8


eeded
L. reuel
1 unhy - dun
V Leu
tle
a Hl y dulil
e k un. l
fact o ngJin
Iv u thi, mhitau-lenl
harngiy the poird d- hose asxmll Insad tt balti
jn, tt hade Jr,
ausl C
t L lsfunducs 9 C
Dlophefar retuil 2 Jol wo snt. hy htu ril disfrally
ti i kefuudcs
A dneua giv, Spri bu Hleh
phanye w.
He ked tildy : Enie.
He hade ice
Crcan c the hth. He del ul - tai copur )) 4 dafe
a C oweel
Cxita
4 ttre dek banapeus
tei
aop, aud lgr tre tmt dm el dy Lo AL driler
Cala Col e - tte stus aad erg
But Juovt sololy
/s tte
Caue. A us uk apliid
L afote
sujhlno, cand tai dcai harp.
h - C poheep urai
cund ) ttre
Iha
ynol sweel nok ak tr
wrdr .
Jho
Onel n tin
L cnttents
ld Llady
smerl dram, oltn niay
Leeueel i ar euelartayy
Ran accecde cha L fett tailed,
ves tew.
clun Ll
Tue benenslar
2 uwky
Brt
did wh
doue lla nr
"gain
TarE
lcave
C mnLe miu ttue pun ay -
Ymt
and wlire cl)
te ghett. Jhir, howur, cle o fiend
4te uilie, 27 daif holit


Englaud teis Ergland
SALERNO
Tee mniial nt Sleno. An Eavcodigpig -lho hpodin
Shispoed orden.
L tuuiu L uavt bo Ca ixcrile. / nilly
carie belicre Hue l L L C chuslp Lbperi f
hau
tar
ralii i uy call, 1 bayu
jm ilile 2 Ca tindlidia
1 Itul ths a Cll l 3
L o h a la bloodshed
C wasdi es
the
L ert t stav L
Hul, Le Hu lika
il Cal eli Le amarclol agh ufp!
lattle belwer maranc,
sraliee Tlic
Ig uhe uema hul atwl collip
u heraid Hue Bucho L up ell t/s 2 ad, c 7
lu L
il - L
nile, 23 culd teo u, alusvt teal
didic Hine
sikk C
eupay Tex au,. Sice
nysey
to fmuud al the
- CL
cwels,
tint ex)loi
didie
L hand Henustle 2 th tnjecls Cnip loel, ca
(ttei st dtll tho
Ae Rexam seur led Itrc 'v lline
dauetd
Ic hous
Bitia)iso
pufened exhunin
Loun sol U
hes L-dro
eattle : T boot, blornp
mnis lcal
o > -iclud
alacdy kewse Lou K
lol
Htad
ben Ullo l pul U Rylc
fic
2 nt ttaris
mmld houns saial
sor.
kwun Uil a
tyie
ts. kima dal
caplelip nul ) pleu jua -
had has
fell
how LL a u the us baly
cend daiie huow
close r. the
La, in tlc
dur, i tui itpu gune
Hll remainad
basrert sella liun eptah
lzithn uell, iv
in peuot pahs in
Ly ulr nglechit
like au ufside lodour sea,
rmklif iu tre ceiliif
stelay ur tics yoan,
luay Lilleer Irhai dlii,
Hac las ka,
I kuau anl- Salene, eel todyht - -
vetnt ll.
Thal
us lwmdue
% poepure a
plaal h
C X3 ured E tte lunldie le killd


Ce (ud Idd 5 l. be, Leveal caufrin let).
glon- ww. sir
tto Tiaan
Lsu C
eucariol
be 5
Rgee; accoaliy t ite Ipinl priis ru had 4 3
hdie +
caai
lho t 1ix au, ( wuldie lul Leo
Hul.
Tex nlk So L beie Cereep, Juila eplad
well,
prryn L wulal Je h t hicce. tyt ftwuls, LLil unld
l fhostp a dins.
Tue uiorn hue 3 C acad aunall
Iu te sxply
< Femlro Uhice
be Cal
(en Th A
buichg
Ce cnd
dygy
mmi
Tirel
. - t a EA
Nf Lad paituig Lo
i ttue 1 1 2 Vral tu di
Ibe
2s Cal lae ih u line uiltnl aes 2 taf pmprati
taris lihe Hue Siini,
F ttra hrthll
Pard
didir
aa lin
te Co ulen HluL docth Coro uh h L ixpelsin
Dti a
alne th(
Kya aipg d lipped L1 Iu kein Kn do t
ci -
C is urila Ha SAH to
lihe pvu de
eupuiesed 5 Lo o
c yuy teme Laad
ud luan bentiy t tha c
chne
lun the
LA Cad sott I de ih etisten, Ma did tg
Soi - a al( destt,
slighleu aa Auo app Z-6 beli
teu.
l Ca molde tata fatue oollapu, leacin
patiu i Croch, 5H sde eyer.
INB. Tu. eati tnn
losip Kasliua crhece 7 thi.
he wa Ite Tul wa te ges Hel 1 cnld, lum Carely, undoslant.
Ve Icald
Len rand
F Iuc w h nle bea Gut,
hot.
hilee 3 - C a a
glayth alseca.
aytari reiol nok!
hour a hob. Bexsa Lof. haphic
S2 - lette
hunn - frisud (te Itoyee


-) I Le ean a typ Lacored Cace I
danth
L : a Hae vatte gume
eclis itt srraur,
and eerchoped wte Hreusebre,
sualc,
inthu mall
the dade agt 7 oppretul Res luy
Ite
end /
RL P
nuuip A
tre qu uanh Cale
Ru Slu
lultarip.
CHuih L
- el Jalono rtac ca Cm
tafhion c ceod,
de cided tel I unild neu shey
hi Cal.
11 kafpt htui, lun
vegultn 5
enny
teel Hny cl tu Lhi 2 llee Loxl las to
He had sof
eualle a ua luu potccilp doud 2
d aus cth rki
Uacb is uTichs
Elech ee - L
1 - A Le
Hta pave
taly' He wu dus -lluine,
Ae had
cis.
nden uh a finel yeb slrmets grildip
leauip,
cand Le said
bafm
t dit thu line
jau
li haret. He
aud Lo
siu Le uends tui
faur
hanlae lk
brrst
lohed ck lene iH an
pairs
l uolsuruns
pluse,
a 1yy
Li CF cL P th u somatis
k lusde ot
wth,
anel souldil aud d idla wal
h beret,
holuak
Ce Cade
baiy
pofond
lzllad IC
dugplet,
tto npnit 2 uy Lah. Arth
haue boc c
Uho lanvk
augalic.
Hypre ) Li fe,
lohj na su dol tei Loun.


pgello, Htel Id ber : ln- Hh hi el) tells
Fryu
& lld hse excapl C htrd I 6 - di'l
Lalie
loluned : l- hanl C A 1 coldua L tl : C Cous - t
hen t turle, dos It uld hoin de ( s undaload
Lo It Celte. lv
ta Tta
ThL lunla lan
udutoed Tle tirt 1914
balt.
Z tal 24 Anyw
villy till 2 beamn
notum stood aC
Ey -
ils
vedoid -a viy sdhyel
tte crugy canoes 7 dolc
le J ATCE
ali the ua
mpr
teond be
LI A slaged
place,
treck, card
leltus
uved fur Lou
T una letts
lack, : te lull.
il Jhite -
nole geuoatoi
aL 6 Cad
fdai cues,
ho h
alu Ca P
ENT
radie
L 2 Lvalta fup J- Itto fraud
t ta
4 kad shopual Ale i 7
Au tre 2 J
trea H cauln, stagfet
att IM
L à à
it treile raui
Lk tsu entmrhip
k - - delecale U
R ( n realiy
larl
enim, shil SH qm panpnt,
hech, cutig
uwe
baksol
clrldse coa h
d te Ja 1L molilel
ttel ttro Auict
t-mal LE ttco fa. clia ulan yn Jau
I ttre La ue
calde usler Tanl.
rnge a A
hut otil J
eastu
& up
dey
lile
c lindip
Lae the a
7 - Lusned
csayhuip
tto hex
hual(
tt ecll deud
d nogiu,
( Ite
wark 7tel Could
dl 2 lrere
iel
tou beple
-e ix)lai -
ulut eelicue ftul huma bere
( le kill Gdl nti, - - Lypeciny paoke
tp didic knos. Gnol lw a yehe Ag


2 Pergni Nen Witj a Mad
s tee
thn
Ohi trigen tacly
Fak
fea,
Htri
Jode el
rylectunp, Dat kesp
I>a Col
aw ) a d resolued uok / N l a
urk de lug a te feill.
3 Ce
sipm.
S wayan lab Jn
whu i doue. Cala Mur be unn C lan
Ue €, - t ary anmal 9 livng?
lwa
dug, u
diied - Col - rer
filtunl myocef - holn Frece, spfiid
Ll heouie L laxe Hal koxk aly C 2
Crelive
Loldicr.
A a Heu dg Ih I put pad
dragged tommat
pufe
it iv. Ismupidp
Aarrd refme
aldi heliee tul u X Irancr
sonad I lem L Jr mmutiarcen. And, Iike Ie
Arpe ushup h Un Le (c mttrmng lw cay
Lsved S the dine sere 2 uassta hnla tl Cane
L de p ta ay had Yuuy a Judda duilisn
fore t nn trl mi wa the tay Js do,
all
e tra 1 chin
tta tery h do


HORI2ON
INSERT
6no
193818) 1 wel dom h Ire uau Stiral
dey
- Hhe Mela.
Gant laue
2 C uu H d kHu talucerin
Hur
s e
souelue Cemed he. Ru te us
ptpe
It x ctul
ulclup the Le uald hn aytts ILL unld t 5
l'a feek Ca cn cluild Wh
mell Holshur -
biild sen -
C Ciel a
uth
- 2 the comic.
lL wL
Lad
s fe - a
Itl opeuial a -
2 prmise ttL Riday
and Ite Jo d -
Leuy Sroppip he aud RRR cmuded Iram,
ino tte radio
isanl'
wth t baud tanip up,
ay a
begiinin
6 L f
vLa
Lue, tte Lern 2 Saturlu cy t dellerenk lagir
€ wu 7 / co lp, 3 C lf
aluost Lauseom appesl,
Qparhld
ktlu
silf le Lee the 3 6 te LZLC
Jlaico Ghore L *
onol A hewsefun and agrgu Le
lyhre Is It
wo p
Much,
Be ti tune
hageyue Unit
balicse E
Poash. Tlsed C d
tealal
iru
bheltif ttu Le asl Ic be addlan col hhe
baat th
lttie
LE had tabelled l Banlilt,
L wpps!
aid didic lone at
I la doun
Bhutts, l= final e nl.
latto tura noL Ital -7
bowe hscip
Aua
coup
naal dovlc J-
price
a weak,
FAL wu
poud
w Ca llad
wrgagin
Frn.
Rand bes
callad 4 l Carolls
5 Lobeo no
tot ho
Punire.
hrell
- thih L - L Ias Scad : Ruemiz)
U La A a U - 3
tto has
eafl, a
d Ce, pleca
d Hal
xpe 1
Al lumd Lou
nt laopl
cane m -ll, -
de 5 tte cruls,
ghuttocr Lip cen - lsw, hp


DUNKIRK
lok det
kues pue C ren
Pngiilu d-
T Kan':
Soniel priy enag
Bnaik Jenin, h Lurhel
cil -
holy Derih.
Tngiiep houe 2 u kuen Hul the
uilh htte L A /s
U7iu LlE H As ng pmillo juris 9 dealy
ec coed - Ire
ping, Liie corld
huei yY l-lvn ho hacs ls rle achim np
aly altecl,
X Dhi,
doce. S moitp i
Rt cald Till
iaz
hecaad,
3 Gelt chace
e h 2 her alteck, Jice Cosant runel plenile 1 doupd t. do,
Ru. Rlen lov- h beranm, tti fuo, a hike
Ita du . ini Ite wnteces t h Munits wenil
cl hev-s Hre -lonte ty penidas / 5 dingud 1,
mldd Lole plec dr Itca tto yu dek a, ham Wsp,
Itn W7 ca' pum s, denc-yu. L tte Joon
Quoves n La u uend Laol Iat nunld hn ban thee lan,
ndit 1 al hipmans, juu a clas kecset
- Nlean
+ He plmtu Fha Mals haubes shass
face, Ahhe C tlzris Le Hre neulals cunfo
( H Ihicil uupolalc. itcyu JFO,
kn doue L l
/ v ehlild ty belm. Ho
Cald ut Lau u he Ihuad. lan Deril rxodu
Rie He Sloy wu, tl he uu mhelre k lel Jen fo
Gar t4 uldl LCA al tre atrdo ghit kh
nluih.
Rrsh ced beataho
ILI
We didu kuow Une Zee Jel behywn 2 Ito was
wt. Ll Iniliih - lk L ttl tue lwe -
eniydolds.
A Tui hy Tuhsy 145 nblunl 16
P l
alee n
hc 4
Tann.
(5 la lhn yu
Cer? hun vu
Ju 2
hhi, duppy E hnk C
af ltl all
Gn iE ChohIEL * da H - - sa


au leaue Peliiid amy Hhore
'sfund
enna crol
shlpy sln lu th Itre cif
rdul I cline.
lue had
hbbud 154J
Itu dai (
cair ( Ite
yen byo
Beluer It Jr ud
enh
holl
u - cer
nlfi
A t
C - 5 uyits nelwue
Knli
rilf
I Caiie -
- mn ulre
t mong
nun qu 2 - ies
- ux L
T d rug lhe ado fnau a
innel y
- (C Ic deynes 7 Ha:
predn V uerd, teo tt Te - Co -
niud lt lx Cr mmer -Pne Lil -


wa Lan - le
Le iu
Is Ie taijal
aliuslis, i i berlsw
pela
p vehfe hevie. A
toholmal
dall
yel
ruile lzuss
Lae sk A
lot
efeto Grr
9 U
rupatoi
ettacl
Shie uld disele -
tyle
La 2 Thac lon hin bo wG
pronphal
tel
Ropefull
Le all
deal
Setoe
pecifin
it aveoin h e
It Blsuu T Kin Batin hoq
# MA
An Dukinifion puicp Contesl'ct
ws L Netr herral
tia dn
Cah ilialg
depint. No
huer Ae HHe E Ralfed F olh a uol k
durgen the Gema adiace tap Pe lgiiu cak Hro Bnkn haal
- a ti ho dy
k H 3 stm Mw
lcals ho
tuggrig
vidn
ropece
Bikin bour
tn Britin va cial
7 sslel
Arya wnla haue her
i Ararluer. A Is lbe - vup
t Jean
Hac Cald hau hen us Jud Lh alt pece uagotidas 3
eaoliron.
ort Gona
Taau
prople
lenen
Ssttte
Cat
gutt
D7 St
Astt -
tosd


- tv doun do H humilit cL ppnal 6 a mmeliinian L
yooup Lu a an all. Hi,,


EuAci ATION
To PETERI 1
FELD
Tie
DECARATION I
of WAR
LL / een wulkeit tug
ee alnetn
Rafisd uol lop lnpr
ruling
uld
aslbny
Itn
AL uy a ttitele
ar bo.6 Ca d
nhp Khe Le nr hple, Iti Irill had
choi
ttt - F M hed
pour 2
stt at tuynh
I ciet t cl Ghe diddy teht Hee lai di
tte He les all
ade
t te afuaat
Le 4 + b
Thue wythig
njle € (
a i t plece Lt tyjn unld a haure
t puce, Itai Ladr 2 th hei
choice.
he. uwrulp ber 5 viuce Hac
uld lohe
eha (
acaht. Ad hor, L ttoe o
tre slec Hel H dy
deocend
lana de h
he dihy clroica. lkuan Itre 3 A ba a
cloice, 'toee L eemad h n C slicslon,
2 beup dyppel,
RE L
lal- tolk a menlc
Ronr
7 besiy an Loldie tel L te lean
ther)
sper fn mian avices
I >au urygng
falls l
hok
fites,
rxackp plynilp, Gk in Itre
ay al lind
cith uplain
ULn
biics,
botn l h hen
ihe
tlluan luyaep 3 C
unzhu enual fLL ToLGI
Doun ith


prioen de lfers d?
s wa, Ll à H
tae lendo
te propl
A hsth nde - C . Ltup ngpuce. Al ttalp
ng puce Ita
acli .
Ls "gttig l 7 tLL
ffecful, C Ju hk tue bowu tae
had
Taiz ull upirs L apl re K hau :
tel
siflasti
pour
Ceauhlut Mun So Lol
caldi'l
incile tre puin Jhs had hee lon
uitehal
hol f t
the larn Uho uu tuilu thore HEG
1 C
ion Hhe shoutie Mogau. - Ca A
Ca 6a boketatut
t alln alt ddlerer, Iaeue be 1 6
Lote
L Tel
feali
+ ceaublai
lolen e
3 O
syfani
rei
- k keak Buitau nl 2
Lo baned we didil
2uba
mithe tittortt wuel.
Clarselil
Claaul c
Jo becd
Ruow,
pnu
isttle sal nhmiali
diaie kuous, N cu do
endo
the STask, caplad,
etserfopu tL ng
7tre lyal
cocld wir, ualuf
cad ockiy tioru


BomBINe OF
THF
Docks
ALL cr t
tttte tisu tly
N.B. botlif te
baliwe Ury y4:
- caldie
h tte do cl,.
= tnator,
sudlen 3 avy 2
tlel ic
au seeued
Pace
jalail
seind ttri,
lue
grenmy
Cund
Sutudoy
et alug?
Co ninns
A Hup
- Itl
a n dustitu,
huhip A
thg
Ita (cit
Jly
ttl to
simlruvens
tapleavie
L LST - Icu
ttoi tecle
ald
tuis
city
alius
- re
AL te
- Lro
tul
e web
kl pats
Hoi
flch
Hup
a I
Qed -
A tAlns
silled
tasll
K I
K Gam A Ruk tP
62 Se
lac
YeC
vati
ususe sfecslong Loudou
easla
ttul wp
rua tt d-frrer
Ittr Guld testt al It
(5 hi
grasy
i the
Te Coema 5 te Imackit
datnels
Lesrhlihe.


EUGLAND
THEIR ENGLARD
T Magi Land 2 Ghettac, (H3353)
Chettou Ril caud Por 67733-55)
LL u the Ghattac
Tranehiy tre bhatoe
Renpes
SAB hene fechc'
2UB Onu eiglu-) en-nd plan


Petordeg 61353) 778 - 692
Sidoy
1708- wotdlor
huaues Aryion
ad hendhh doy teal ou )' - luu pusms
iith
a stme,
collyps,
mp k te priin. Ny Kuslin
ylh
Oumnmet Balan, C uy La Uhe nned uine hittel, / t
Calu
naued. He suidl wun L U
hotid" h le lase af - ls
tre Coulun voon an
te dum
het lee a
INSERT
tald fozhe the due mld a
peak k hiun fe
Maa Backe, Iheed,
Y Le daie ponia y cn E
u raid Le read C
Axm - lek
tka
again J A
Jhice Gemayi
Hlr tte cueu us
He trau AH rcan L k cye. Tua thome
th te Jah
eve Inked Ck luo
Rud 3
n nole ul. the he
Ie huie Lo
kurt, o
Iwked Lk Le sith.
Aane
doo gr te 3
d Leeurad h Coemau Ca x trasdun luou h hat
He didie penin a (I
cund scand Uda
mgiv
cla i rtii mate,
gho 3 antyf
arg
I du
lee 1
Ye ue un
ofrk,
ttan
gas
K Gama
mlie lut ho
Tede
ulterd
plyo
hiv hee Ca lerh umas
Mab gealf. Y Nui r uan
i Ihendid
zechuage
suid
M cas
lin: golueo
taplagnju
yur
veadiy te
Forhi alttads h luna aft-
thc
A C ccorul.
tc Le loo hske ith ki n


INSERT
wu neur C tulanic wwh 2
Bram New luma kuid.
hu: wu Jly u
wn celleol 1984
nouf 1948
Ianed mud ie
Ll t nelig
/L coeil
alm the sinnad U
C pidtin 2
wR uju ixfuu hit pm Orvel
dyficky L >ociig - mmre uls Tomr Ite
had gri -h cl rey - prdsce
hee pluyek u a
hmbil
unll -
muillau
wit nlf noy Lr
t hunia ls mry.
lv wu Con derioph
face
2 C Iropte
13 put C gluh
5 He lenth 2
i uimale
TEl
tol luade
IV uu Ca unll Hae
BET -
he dutie istive Cul > warl, couriir
tte dise hume stt 3 c,
und apiteii
cund
dars C Shand
gtnal
Junr
Iue vriall t Rupe a E ixpelal -
Re suunk
the Dr 9 Rapee, LL


fatur, Is hn iideal' (inig
Sx ahol tru we tts lay uye
Cad her sia rte Tuna, Tin tau
w i Htic It
ee ie
euys
engofe i egul mumat
virh
yul p-tans i
C hapufls
fueu estyp à e
2e cuss I
daar, h hopr, k les C lyie
On Hie Thu lueums 2 thhe lun wrr cngu -
hH ud Alu nlx aitp Hue 1 me nhecl
Kow huc
filnl ponur how unee (
Cahn urg, low huul A Crun
dyru
Mis
Wk The Uk', sturyr entui - L 3 A
S STunol ande and uolilrn Ruge a
u wu stiir the Ime cunl ileli F


lmeri l
(aiddes
itug d
cilgar Juiu 1 huen suil kle
ue u erl/m
etct tuor
ve silp,n It
L (ruula
Izlian hel Lan >e ha
kuee k he
puvreyy
lies Petu AL the
2 Hon xhar mlie Koman ean, ie viviel
colus
tne i - sun
prina
alt 2 Iefe lelinal :
te trely
fhe hol
) dluhu Len
dafuni
gudgu gly
cibs, disgmu ttcd
Ausuia -
adun
Gee
a AT
L plecs: (c u refm c
nax mul)
- Itle hu
tto
rall lan (
Rad L ayse 16
Itu
1 ) uarelc' 7 h
buk tmed
ures
pesmel cfuria ale 5
t cald.
pritir
Aowens,
en S ta
L ulel piclere D th unnk.
Bu Annn
Liaua
tue 3
bers
Gratin ctvcw. M Leilng tren Mario
2cr a
a - 0 Le
Mai Cl be
freud L
ryu
Ita hell- Iwae 4
ldc, drau
) l Mec uirle
Du nc
M ninti Jru 7 C olutripjir.
M, nol 5le', tl ixrra h
Qua D-lee Vita cnd lu's Pree
aud thu daj. Te Jih hed Loltg h de SH Hh. Uia Venal: Shie
3 a dug
tox (xupt 7 tunit, upuap-pt
ttu KL. Mece fet er rn ala
k le
i astai pur 2
Tarver, ad
f Salme
di Cluhice. M las
Roat's,
tue
- lived, I e ttre Lelua diszi
ly Demence Lhai
Ryhn Desuil Co Hlepe
Janciye Tui T -
MATERIAL For THE END.
hon Brche Ar
Jt plg
cms.
tup
ur clc : matif- tm n nd
hie uvenatn nou Aka lows
tale l
Jerel 2 undeslan uy, af etuen 2 tyne had auddyy
pius. Ruth, nr
* Qun din L Gemy Dill-, 6 lome',
plugi olllmhn
Anfouy
cll Hre unai duncti
Crojhl-s,
lut ha
hilliair mol
ta idca, cn lainlp tst nl J he,
pey
hi cl elt.
demmotale latt ho hilliace . doa doul Kmvnts


Ine
uyreg 6 -
soldio Ioery Jn ntn the
pyr piw laamel 20, 2 1 Immenh ty tuliy at
the ls ment 2 He not
ev Aush Kaed',
5 Lyur Streu :
how u cnnt I hrd
bvc uyrey : tai trrcjde Aot LgTe wud - -
annd ladanas
uyey I fulg pufla I hed La
ta an cnd
hed 7 A idce
jrenl,
2:6 ur tte Ite ltyne wu caprile
6 as
ariou, foyt k be tame C unde.
felt lo derolak ca te lovelen
frive ggrlcln lefm bes len -
te mall Sid -
tha hulle
Gelm,


Tui face 9
the
ues
3 erlth
Crealal
4 the (19
still L
Jun mould.
Tue sitnay, Jhice hud heu
her lno 4
nil
sume ltyn diny Ck mufilly
C Qoue hette ther che. Peen Ttue uultt
3 un
Augh unl 1
lhi
tarui
tis
petil
ll the
i L
ttal
ungy oual i ple ulre aud hey mndl
uny
Lense eiltu )
l d
u cryk
aLy
vuluer >
uu at
L uly
a the
cen
hrad
K Amei'e
Atu
kinol 0


Fmp5
Ma ttu tink
har
Oxlord (and
saponts)
a a custaii larenen
tur
ha 1 ate
Kas Ko.
soat D
bota
Ac pert C I 2 huine - tahrtea
hucin
fuend anel ary Crxt
Zay uee eucuined day e
Le 2 tae
hisk, Jice he corune clu sntarkas
* ke i - stuslis duciin tus 44
Tyra: Rpel
tind
ln 2
tus
- 4 SL
ren, A dan -
he m
Muly
+ hiy 1 Le
in Li
Rf 1
die -te - rtu Tti0 hedsli
mop wul a uess
S R
Cen
Rpal-
Anciie, L A


ldeal Hs the
Thu vicious dus hatnd 1h wwll,
cau ayuninng
Uooded
co arom ) LyuLLLORe ca
C hr untual
cantas
trine
People 5 wockr
6 tie ev,
Aa anul, akup L juh. 2 be ceiure
hord, meery Mance,
MIK. - s lype b -
tla
did'i trer Muin.
Rer c devita h 2 t retla
Reun iplurlal ut -
(reorlf) Loual (un a Cl -
siny
2oc u sutinne uelsz a dau
Ct tu
clene, Jl
5 ryuded
tinG : Tegul,
gracis ume - elc
Jur 1S behnt lho the
mceys, lg v. yR uarr Uhan m threl. ae
pot. un jcan
retun t-elie dilann,
mennel wm tuc ttue beartére AC un
2 Aio Quiltes, Silt + tho lus cd Cely, corre
int.
At the
aitiealt i 'llue aCCIL
k ixclurin - tte
Hel o
Edindere
tue
uiddle lun r iitl.
8y ttue cund )
nidici le
lu ur 3 no suidlis
do 5
LIT
purled Hue
lnur' clcn
ccent
SoE
( Tle Le
tue
cancali ) gunet
perets
dilulel
- ezhuay 7
kiid
poaud
Aton Pria Diase
te kind yuh.
hsr, aud
uecl
ie enbl
vel
r'plis
actir
Bnhn.cr.
Lcca
BBC
cud
Y bolnt
nlc
LP 5
Kre
tutegidii
froge TEL 2
a Tranr
cur uoe -
- 2if
uisn nbelul
ulur
( C lowe, l-
the he
L l- Juoled - C
tta pprnte


ENchAn) TASIA AnG LAND
frflans hecane Anieri La (ree to Iausha
duip
k hwh "WarDoddse Cae Holue Tlh Iclurin 1993
Derih thi fealip O th lamol lusip rreupied
8 & fres ie wudr an cueny yel enliollee)
mphip. sie Itap umlaie U phoedi aypiy,
Tipell werl nk 2 tur stugs inand unld i
Nole the hausist 1-
purel fon Hhe awe
In, auieis el Gfn Hhe
Wa aud tli alttudo
egleant (jang be ca LO
toned ut hol
Ls i
hus neg n afplow) Ml ie
6 l Srck w3 9 nitj
A jrs 11 ie te lumden
atl 2 the Ot nllor Cvol
heang fhe c Itne
4) lWA


lunidi
(d Lnd the
ecenel onttue d -
lovli khe
Euphus Mui Iylad - ledoencle C hiz zl,
merd.
Euglad tuii lylaud
Tur
- ephet culf Lo L n L & woi tull 7
Nane.
Mace lm -
df ce anlaguplipt
av ttui cur rye 7 u
P leCC
dna 2 Hhe.
mpp
l LL h
vli u tell hihe Je ciibet
CILhised
drumit uh I hunss, - 178-/41
ld u
haat
Kegh
80. 0O und.
muld auin ak
Catk tw the Tohe doue
ha pen
- Busult, tu sulin
JEls
Id her
fiuel tial Lr biod
t ttie KL.
sunt
h 80,000 undi
Kemy


behavior. Also our moments of craziness are staggered, SO to speak. All the
murders and domestic outbursts and ruptures don't take place at once. Each of
us has judgement in other people's crazy moments. This is why convicted killers
are horrified by other people's crimes of mutilation and may not for years achieve
equal distance from their own.
Here's a disturbing thought. Could it be that with SO many killings we
accept them not as tolerable behavior but as a feature of life, and therefore we
endorse them by familiarity? This would be another reason for not examining the
question of human sanity---though a dark, ominous reason.
We have minds easily affected by what other people do, especially if they do
them often enough. If news-worthy, human behavior reaches millions of
spectators and gets repeated in news clips SO that it really sticks. In childhood we
grow by imitating and the imitative apparatus is only slightly less active in
the adult, though much less conscious.
This imitation may produce behavior quite unlike the killings that attract
worldwide attention. It might be in the form of an outburst, a conflict over a
trifle, the use of an automobile to express anger. This in turn increases the
likelihood of killings.
It took a lot (I mean a lot of murders) for us to break through our inherited
perception that we have the greatest civilization ever. Perhaps we could apply
similar logic to human sanity.
As long as I go about my business carefully doing the things most other


Tuc uclun Z Aylal Iti Aylud
cnth Nlais.
A tehe
- ttml Uardis
fin Eldt
IT te Lermnl
L ciiguta. -
A neliie Tle
Re cne
cin: Kel
TUL Irg's
hernu S t nf noo
aud
ula dait ulca,
d he aliie
a ttuc 1 he uld ho her
blusd cud nillni nth ki, anol 5
ded nu he kuer nuv put u
Uelup
Atacle i hi prcha.


Ren Greme mleu 1
we Hoe W a
Itre Genour
clanfer do )
all
uutor
arol ure
jueurg a 2
wlen
aung Juna
clioa hiends.
fa Itze
Cr the
Top
yuan uel n tly
a The Couils (ne,
and L u
ceule 2 how U L
guill ry cun guclis 2.
ha brma
ded. tue Creme ati
cldil hpuy
- med
Gema tian
nihp
illegitit.
Buc He Lele lhluned auny te 'Alls
Batan
lu € u doue
C uo It wy.
bousthe hed actuep hplued
le Le lan
Lo ul uw. 3 tu hui
E L
liii
und unly -
Itre
SlE
3 Ca
louk
tlcini
sptrias and lage belg kaan
Ceyp kapt suplo odif
cund cald le jurtjind C
Lan


Tee Geme Sluu
nlie Lo
eve I
L va - - te
a Snluln, dorumaly
lwn- Incl cl
eend tni hefm
Itre
unlds (nsle, tiulg, deul cunol od
U.S. lu anyuer)
hed dauned.
A B
Acuce
a L
te trien Cuk
t nuld
0 A kity
eccot Ttre
bunigh vrvini 2 Ite L u ule
fgll etIns
genra
Sttonen
Gemiz
A Cceptul (eugarr C the nre)
silf e dfiiles 2 te iafrmi
hnrd
Uw Tue!


ENGLAND THEIR ENGLAND
'And he began to get bitter, and a wicked look began to come on his
face.--England, my England (D.H.Lawrence).
Iwasborn-one-ofthree-boysirwandsworth, London, of William Rowdon a
dockerselerk and Gladys Brooke, both of Battersea. The three boys managed
between them to cover literary, theatrical (production, management, writing),
academiek
LD anj taai),
diplomatic,journalistic, docimentary-film and therapeutic careers.without
apparent effort. Their mother Gladys Brooke was sent outto work at the age of
12 and cooked and cared for a family of two teachers and their three children, for
which she received two shillings and sixpencea week, which is surprising
considering that she was related to Rupert Brooke,
On the evidence of the circumstances---that in childhood the Rowdons
frequently had little to eat andwere threatened in bad times with eviction---it
shouldn't have happened, éspecially as the Wandsworth of the time was a ghetto
or He mind ae len,
as far from the West End(as a dosshouse from the Savoy. Despite today's self-
helold'
serving illusion about pre-Wwz England, the rent-collectors and coal-bill
tuh A Thities aclaieg
tese
collectors didtheir best for their tenants, especially if they knew they were sick or
a cetan
a datroyed
out of a job. Had it not been for this natural sense of charity (which dichetsurvive-
te bus)
he 920 SGentiteHelecaust) the Rowdon family would have been on the
streets white-all-three sons.were-stillchitittchitdreh.
There was also a lot of social mobility, perhaps more than now, for the


ntulhny cil L temn
derm He
coleln
tia
tte wort
novch
popol
1 lail t ui
Rhel M. Del. lu une Itc no
( en
belte, uacl le
splmal
hih'
luie Ito h un
hus ( L
aopecl 2 l
lse, lie
cand Itra Claa 4 a
kh mn H Gelte becan lci
< te
Na lsund
. - t L C llalt d -
coupt dho Beltisen
shat 1 -
t 7 La cliildlord. Suo saed fel
te 's7a' de
full 2 ten.y terrd Itro suoplenfen,
te pruceme, te he uno cous I- tt dm I Co llece tto
rel - t nm L
ug L ttre Coel lo hos
teeres au pispc Io gaue tho mallan sy
a D L - l6ff.
Z als jeared al han propc.. Butatt >
L iN
esteAd
detf a A I o
and
Lal
La tat te teol k don i C toek Coal
rep
cenol mld retun ell tv C tho uss hup dnuk
Cids
tho fml dm
lad. HT u ld Ihe ha, hot t atance
Au the T
end teplse ande
docks.
au :
kttia (fu -
icl 2 ter
Me16 : C um
deop dm
- slip a
tri
te etva s
a al he uld stf oza
wel
ard ath L 3
erg 1 sweel ktte aluy Hudim
upd h uahe trttal. Glady,
leave -gai. Hr
U C
gfly Ne
hne
neouele
Ratel
uoltu.
trrgst
e cloildre unud
Pul kematd h moth unld cefau
maka thanwail t
Ie kitzler telle 4 rea aad uld
aud sapm
L h duh 'Hhotin up7 - the pot'
thel
Hio. Tue idan wo
daendutie Itg Cold gek
Clildrer
ttre
tte dil tun lup A tbel, -ergo
hr uslle waitie
un seunal-lest. Sho als diblikal
Ua Jha wa paid 5
al te Coes n Fids uigho
it (u
dishpen
te Tuchss. The hayg.zmn Goild
Ko'd
toll
Goth
M) jeda audyeup L 3o
Rtt Les nurds C Miage


ENGRANS
THEIR
ENGLAN / I
A Slay 2 GReltes
lv hevo toh actn (
catri 2n ha uulg
Len lee C
malinel tealip sice tre induxmal
revotuto.
Au He tatel hubtale anre
Aun ghetoes a ctuf 7- dopensllp. nuo the
puct helurer the nesi wiire (Ceurari) ard
te wa -hee uganiy Lelt i 1938/7: kay
affed mund Cac ot L
Gaeiti A
W- Cihiel, Unile ttp Fmv Ohie -
Le secnk sence smeinad to yhatt. Hkay
Rat alwoy bee.
Tien, He pali a etrif
haflif l nlsides
A + (x aufla
C haiey Lut a gua/t- tiadlau
hadl
lx Ine
Oree
clasprind
siy ocep.
thay
wd 6o
hew glinp bomany -
Hae
Eff F refpar amin trlolevin
Hray
catuind Is chaupin L Juile tilhjil


BATTAE
ENGLOND THEIR
ENGLAND
ly decini )s lt uyrep be /zln
jusme
I GaLlk Lo Ingr Band
3 aita
Asae tralg
It Iwe
uny
itr lata be
3 mits t datt
ared
Leeur
mul
V une the Cat.
N do
beth
Jha L
Led
bea decidad
7 uth
4 ell
Saki
Jec
wantu
lui
ndicilou
is cip
at kat tlle L
fro-iy /s a.lo. Li
urd K
huslord crnol 6 )
gut
latle u yet antte ndiiala rrepricur
au tlu
Shice puk ( La e
hunle Jaue.


ENGLAND
THE IR
CAGLOND
JAut uot Keiif 7 reed Is
- C - unnd Ite
Flms: o
tol lomip Ite
hey
(likr ogerls).
One ur
tyyA
Otus dasth
tofg
Au tre huma can do Uith ha bert uill
the
, we
wrld, i
give ugll
ter
tte
L cluldse
diny
fohe
pm hes ) ginip
Creld,


Prpheetis lyded
Hae
The
didie gu Syit -
pettra
hetn
afuiy
Lon
bettin
teL
24 lentunl
uali Is teal
Ite
( un 1hai uan,
by lrnf belyd
tto
c cuh
Cyut
Yhas t catyy
cah HC
frir
Cyst
ccar
Couadler
clad (
tte
Und)
uejs Uho un nurs
(tul
te 1
ched,
Lptizn
ad no
sppied
t tur -
Leenil lmn lan
C RiEuat
train,
mnd
Ite
deinl i uy
LR rap
Jho aol
the
Ihis
Ciltercl
Cale fr
3 lert al
W d Duy
gjin
kntur
cly)
Jii
Ahin
inev
jilu
vly
- hld
de ulen m ty
i pure ut
Ire
Araur.
itrs
tre Yo
unsthau
al the
du - Cli
a yu
m Led
afilul


mun L
Ilei
Ahe
Uns nlue
ue L
tom
Mag lc cuu h
Surul a
naliel L L
uty alti
5 unl ton - )
20 wn
huel uv unt
Wwi.